The Journal of Korean Art and Archaeology

I DISCOVERY OF GORYEO BUDDHIST PAINTINGS

Goryeo Buddhist paintings began to be readily available for the public in autumn 1978, with the opening of the special exhibition entitled Korean Buddhist Paintings of Koryo Dynasty (918-1392) in the Museum Yamato Bunkakan, Nara. By this exhibition, the art historical value of Goryeo Buddhist paintings, as well as their importance in the history of Buddhism, was confirmed, and at the same time, it became the decisive opportunity for Goryeo Buddhist paintings to firmly establish their nationality—Goryeo. Subsequently, in 1993 and in 1995, two special exhibitions of Goryeo Buddhist Painting were held in Seoul. They offered not only scholars but also the general public an opportunity to appreciate and recognize the significance of Goryeo Buddhist paintings.

The full-scale publications on Goryeo Buddhist paintings began in 1981 with Kikutake Junichi and Yoshida Hiroshi’s Kōrai butsuga (高麗仏画, Goryeo Buddhist Painting; Asahi Shimbunsha) and Lee Dongju’s Goryeo bulhwa (고려불화, Goryeo Buddhist Painting), a part of the Hanguk ui mi (한국의 미, Beauty of Korea; Joongang Ilbosa) series. Published in 1996 by Kikutake Junichi and the present writer, Goryeo sidae ui bulhwa (고려시대의 불화, The Buddhist Paintings of Goryeo Dynasty; Sigongsa), which included a total of 133 known paintings at the time of publication, especially has been accredited as the first comprehensive publication on Goryeo Buddhist paintings.

II ICONOGRAPHY

Currently, about 150 Buddhist paintings of Goryeo are known, including fifteen paintings preserved in Korea and 120 in Japan. Among them, the works associated with Amitabha, the Buddha who presides over the Pure Land, constitute the majority. They are divided into two iconographic representations: Amitabha preaching the law in the Pure Land (Figure 1) and Amitabha welcoming the deceased soul who has retained a rebirth into the Pure Land (Figure 2). Both types represent the image of Amitabha portrayed singly, with two attending bodhisattvas, Avalokiteshvara and Mahasthamaprapta (or Kshitigarbha), or with the Eight Great Bodhisattvas. Besides, there are several transformation tableaux illustrating sutras. The scriptural base for the iconography of Amitabha paintings is the Sutra of the Contemplation on the Buddha of Immeasurable Life (觀無量壽經, hereafter referred to as the Visualization Sutra), one of the three principal texts of the Pure Land tradition. The Visualization Sutra, which details the reasons, the means and the processes for a believer to be reborn in the Pure Land with the guidance of Amitabha, is the scripture fundamental to the Pure Land belief. The scripture consists of two parts, an introductory chapter and the main body. The former, a preface to the scripture, narrates the tragic story involving the prince Ajatasatru, King Bimbisara and Queen Vaidehi of the Magadha Kingdom in India, the context on which became the motive for Shakyamuni Buddha to appear before Queen Vaidehi, who was confronted with death, and instruct her in sixteen ways to visualize the paradise.

( Figure 1 ) Amitabha Triad, 14th century. Hanging scroll; color on silk, 129.0 x 62.0 cm, Nezu Museum, Tokyo

( Figure 2 ) Descent of Amitabha Triad, 14th century. Hanging scroll; color on silk, 100.5 x 54.2 cm, MOA Museum of Art, Atami

The main body of the Visualization Sutra details each of the sixteen visualizations: thirteen visualizations as the means to attain rebirth in the Pure Land and an additional three visualization relevant to the different grades of people who should achieve rebirth in the Pure Land. The Illustration of the Introduction of the Visualization Sutra formerly preserved in Saifuku-ji (西福寺, early 14th century), and two paintings, the Illustrations of the Visualization Sutra in Chion-in (知恩院, 1323) with another of the same title in Saifuku-ji (early 14th century) are the most representative works of the scripture’s introduction and the main body, respectively. Moreover, the representations of the descent of Amitabha also have the same scriptural basis, particularly from the fourteenth to the sixteenth visualization.1 The Descent of Amitabha in the collection of Leeum, Samsung Museum of Art most faithfully follows the narrative. Avalokiteshvara and Mahasthamaprapta are the usual attendants of Amitabha, and the representation of the three deities is called ‘Amitabha triad.’ This iconography is also based on the Visualization Sutra. The thirteenth visualization, which is also referred to as the meditation on complex concepts, identifies Avalokiteshvara and Mahasthamaprapta as the primary attendants of Amitabha, and the fourteenth visualization, which explicates the scene of the descent of Amitabha, also confirms the names of the principal attending figures, as well as their position on either side of Amitabha. Besides, there are three paintings of Bhaishajyaguru, the master of the Eastern Paradise. The most representative scripture associated with this Buddhist deity is the Sutra on the Original Vows of the Medicine-Master Tathagata of Lapis Lazuli Light (C: Yaoshi liuliguang rulai benyuan gongde jing, 藥師琉璃光如來本願功德經, abbreviated as Yaoshi benyuan jing, 藥師本願經). According to the scripture, Bhaishajyaguru’s nature is closely affiliated with fulfilling the devotees’ practical wishes (e.g. to be delivered from illness), devotion which stems from their interest to obtain benefits in the present world. This sutra is the iconographical source for Bhaishajyaguru Preaching the Law in Chishaku-in (智積院), which portrays Bhaishajyaguru with the attending bodhisattvas, Suryaprabha and Candraprabha, eight other bodhisattvas, and the twelve guardian generals.

The extant Goryeo Buddhist paintings associated with the Flower Garland Sutra (華嚴經) are also uncommon. The only known work is the Vairocana Triad in the Museum of East Asian Art, Köln, Germany. The iconography of the Illustration of the Sutra of Perfect Enlightenment in the Museum of Fine Arts, Boston is taken from the Sutra of Perfect Enlightenment (C: Fangguang yuanjue xiuduo luoliao yijing, 方廣圓覺修多羅了義經, abbreviated as Yuanjue jing, 圓覺經), a scripture which has a close connection to the Flower Garland Sutra. On the other hand, Fifteen Thousand Buddhas in Fudō-in (不動院) is suffused with tiny images of numerous Buddhas and bodhisattvas. Some opinions have suggested that it is the pictorial depiction of the narrative expounded on the Flower Garland Sutra: “The moment Vairocana reached enlightenment, a ray of light emanated from his body to illuminate every corner of the world of ten directions and a cloud of transformation bodies of the Buddha emerged from every pore”; “The transformation bodies emerge from the very pores of the body like a cloud and fully infuse the world of ten directions.” Conceivably this painting is one form of the representation of Vairocana in the “experiential realm among human beings.”

Maitreya, who is known as the future Buddha, resides in the Tushita Heaven as a bodhisattva, and when the latter phase of dharma (teaching) arrives after the historical Buddha, Shakyamuni, entered nirvana, Maitreya is believed to descend to earth and deliver teachings three times under the dragon-flower tree to rescue all sentient beings and bring them to salvation. The Maitreya paintings of Goryeo are based on the Sutra on the Descent of Maitreya (C: Foshuo Mile xiasheng chengfo jing, 佛說彌勒下生成佛經), exemplified in four extant works: the Illustration of the Sutra on the Descent of Maitreya preserved in Myōman-ji (妙滿寺), and two others of the same title in Chion-in and Shinnō-in (親王院), and the Maitreya Triad in Hōkyō-ji (寶鏡寺). Although the number of known works is not substantial, the painting in Myōman-ji dating to 1294, in paticular, which was recently made public, carries considerable importance for it not only exhibits a variation in the visual representation of the scripture but also allows one to speculate about the trend of Goryeo Buddhist paintings in the thirteenth century, a period for which no other paintings are known.

Besides, Tejaprabha, the Buddha who personifies the North Star, is represented in paintings as the principal deity presiding over an attendant group of Daoist origin, and these works have the characteristics of controlling natural disasters and warding off misfortunes. Of the Goryeo Buddhist paintings of this subject, only one in the Museum of Fine Arts, Boston, shares related iconographical features, with the inclusion of the attending bodhisattvas, Santailiuxing (三臺六星, the Three Terraces and Six Constellations) and Ershibaxiu (二十八宿, the Twenty-eight Constellations). This painting is important for two factors: first, it serves as the iconographical source for Descent of Tejaprabha (1569), the only known painting of the early Joseon, currently in the collection of the Koryo Art Museum, Kyoto; second, while Suryaprabha and Candraprabha accompany Tejaprabha in the paintings of the late Joseon, this painting reveals that the bodhisattvas Xiaozai and Xizai were the usual attending figures of Tejaprabha during the Goryeo period.

Most celebrated among Goryeo Buddhist paintings, Avalokiteshvara representations (Figures 6, 7) comprise a large part of surviving works, second only to the paintings of Amitabha. There are about forty known paintings. Avalokiteshvara, the bodhisattva who signifies compassion, is believed to appear in various appearances to deliver sentient beings from calamities and assist them to retain a rebirth in paradise. In other words, the belief in Avalokiteshvara embodies double-sidedness; one is to gain benefits in the present world, and the other to gain salvation in next life. Therefore, Avalokiteshvara’s benevolent nature and merits, as well as the benefits that the devotees would receive, are explicated in many scriptures including the Visualization Sutra and the Lotus Sutra (法華經). Among them, the most representative text is the chapter of the “Universal Gate of Avalokiteshvara Bodhisattva (C: Guanshiyin pusa pumenpin, 觀世音菩薩普門品)” in the Lotus Sutra, which is popularly referred to as the “Sutra of Avalokiteshvara.”

In Goryeo Buddhist paintings, Avalokiteshvara is seated on a rocky outcrop in a half-lotus position (having one leg crossed and the other pendant), holding a rosary; in the background are bamboo stalks and in the foreground is a willow branch placed in a kundika bottle. At the bottom corner, in the direction towards which Avalokiteshvara gazes down, there appears the boy pilgrim Sudhana. This iconography is based on the “Chapter on Entry into the Realm of Reality (入法界品)” of the Flower Garland Sutra. The paintings effectively illustrate the narrative detailed in the text: the setting is Mount Potalaka near the sea, the abode of Avalokiteshvara, and Avalokiteshvara welcomes the boy pilgrim Sudhana, who has taken a journey to visit Buddhist masters in his quest for enlightenment.

Representations of Avalokiteshvara in the half-lotus position, and with the boy pilgrim Sudhana and a kundika bottle are called ‘Water-Moon Avalokiteshvara.’ It has acquired its appellation as a ninth-century mural painting with similar iconography in Dunhuang, has an inscription, "shuiyue guanyin (水月觀音)," that is, Water-Moon Avalokiteshvara. Moreover, Goryeo textual sources testify to the establishment of this title: the Daegak guksa munjip (大覺國師文集, Anthology of the National Preceptor Daegak) contains the phrases "sinhwaseong suwolgwaneum (新畫成水月觀音)," and "suwolsusang (水月晬相)" in Naksan gwaneum bokjang subomun (落山觀音腹藏修補文) written by Yi Gyubo (李奎報).

The most representative works of Water-Moon Avalokiteshvara are preserved in Sen-oku Hakuko Kan (泉屋博古館, 1323) and in Daitoku-ji (大德寺). There are also some variations in the posture of Avalokiteshvara and the pictorial arrangement. They include the Water-Moon Avalokiteshvara (1310) in Kagami Jinja (鏡神社) which positions Avalokiteshvara facing the opposite direction from the conventional practice; the frontally-positioned Avalokiteshvara in the Museum Yamato Bunkakan; and the standing depiction of Avalokiteshvara in Sensō-ji (淺草寺).

Together with Water-Moon Avalokiteshvara, Kshitigarbha, the bodhisattva who governs the netherworld, is a popular subject among the extant Goryeo Buddhist paintings (Figure 8). Kshitigarbha is presented singly or in the form of a triad, or presiding over the Ten Kings of Hell. The representations of Kshitigarbha in Goryeo are classified into two types: a monk-like image either with a shaven head or wearing a monk’s scarf on his head. The scriptural sources for the iconography of the former are the Sutra of Ten Wheels of Kshitigarbha (C: Dicang shilun jing, 地藏十輪經) and the Ritual Honoring Bodhisattva Kshitigarbha (C: Dicang pusa yigui, 地藏菩薩儀軌),2 but no scriptural association is found for the latter. Nevertheless, the image of Kshitigarbha wearing the monk’s scarf appear in a number of the paintings from Dunhuang and the records of miraculous stories, including the Return of the Soul at the Peony Pavilion (C: Huanhun ji, 還魂記) and the Record on the Miracles of Bodhisattva Kshitigarbha (C: Dicang pusa lingyan ji, 地藏菩薩靈驗記). Based on these evidences, it can be construed that this iconographical feature was established in china at least by the ninth century.

When Kshitigarbha is represented in a triad, the attending figures on either side of Kshitigarbha are Monk Daoming and King Modu, whose iconography is taken from the Record on the Miracles of Bodhisattva Kshitigarbha and the Sutra on the Past Vows of Kshitigarbha Bodhisattva (C: Dicang pusa benyuan jing, 地藏菩薩本願經), respectively. Moreover, the representation of Kshitigarbha with the Ten Kings of Hell, which comprise a relatively large number of extant paintings, was established with the incorporation of the Ten Kings of Hell, whose scriptural basis is in the Sutra of the Ten Kings (十王經). Even the occupying positions of the Ten Kings are stipulated in the Record on the Miracles of Bodhisattva Kshitigarbha.

The well-known paintings of Kshitigarbha are as follows: Kshitigarbha (the shaven head image) in Zendō-ji (善導寺), Kshitigarbha (with a monk's scarf) in the Nezu Museum (根津美術館, Figure 8), Kshitigarbha (a seated image) in Yōju-ji (養壽寺), Kshitigarbha Triad in a private collection, Korea, and Kshitigarbha with the Ten Kings of Hell (1320) in Chion-in and the same representation in Seikadō Bunkō Art Museum (靜嘉堂文庫美術館).

Besides, there are representations of Avalokiteshvara and Kshitigarbha, the bodhisattvas respectively associated with the Pure Land and the Buddhist afterlife judgment, arranged in one composition. Avalokiteshvara and Kshitigarbha in Saifuku-ji portrays the two figures in a single picture frame, while Minamihokke-ji (南法華寺) has a set of two paintings, presenting each deity separately. Moreover, Amitabha and Kshitigarbha in the Metropolitan Museum of Art, whose iconography is unique to Goryeo, seems to further emphasize the Pure Land belief. There are diverse opinions on the source of its iconography; however, these studies do not seem to provide clear scriptural interpretations and the process of their establishment. Thus, further research is required in future.

Among others, there are paintings of Arhats: e.g. Shakyamuni and Sixteen Arhats (Leeum, Samsung Museum of Art and the Nezu Museum) and the Five Hundred Arhats (Chion-in). A set of Five Hundred Arhats (1235-1236) paintings, separately preserved in ten different locations including the National Museum of Korea, is also imbued with the Goryeo people’s wishes to overcome the country’s crisis.3 Additionally, the paintings of Indra, who is known to protect the Buddhist teaching while residing in the city of Sakra in Mt. Sumeru [Shōtaku-in (聖澤院) and the Seikadō Bunkō Art Museum] and one painting of Marici, which reflects a scene of Buddhist devotion to Marici (private collection, Japan).

The textual records attest to the production of various Buddhist paintings in association with the teachings of Shakyamuni Buddha, such as ‘Shakyamuni Triad’ relating to the Lotus Sutra and those associated with the Flower Garland Sutra, e.g. ‘Vairocana triad,’ ‘Samantabhadra,’ and the ‘Samantabhadra on a six-tusked white elephant.’4

Goryeo Buddhist paintings display somewhat uncomplicated iconographical schema. Among about 150 surviving paintings, fifty-five are associated with Amitabha, forty-two with Avalokiteshvara, and twenty-four with Kshitigarbha, all of them adding up to almost 120 paintings. Thus, it can be said these three representations constitute most of the Buddhist paintings in Goryeo, and this can be one of the characteristics of Goryeo Buddhist painting. Such iconographical particularity of Goryeo Buddhist paintings needs to be considered when one attempts to inquire into the issues relating to the purpose of the production and the philosophical background of Goryeo Buddhist paintings. One also has to take into consideration the fact that there are no paintings with the scene of the Buddha preaching the law relating to the Lotus Sutra and the Flower Garland Sutra, scriptures which are most representative of the teachings of Shakyamuni, and that most Goryeo Buddhist paintings are relatively small in size.

In terms of composition, the Goryeo Buddhist paintings show strong tendency to emphasize only the main subject, e.g. the principal deity. For instance, Goryeo's the ‘Descent of Amitabha’ paintings, contrary to those of China and Japan, do not depict clouds, and the ‘Amitabha Preaching the Law’ paintings represent the Buddha singly or in the form of a triad. As such, the iconographical characteristic of Goryeo is the interrelatedness of the compositional elements, whereas the Buddhist paintings of China exhibit expository representations. Moreover, among the extant Japanese Buddhist paintings, a large body of works shows strong esoteric Buddhist elements; thus there are a considerable number of unique iconographies that are seen neither in Goryeo nor in China. In Japanese Buddhist paintings, there also are some iconographies that were appropriated from Japan’s own belief system, not directly relating to the Buddhist scriptures. The difference in iconography and representation among Korea, China and Japan may depend on the time of production and the sensitivity unique to each country; however, the decisive difference lies in the connection with the patron’s social status, the purpose of the production, and the function of the painting. Therefore, one is required to seriously think about whether or not the extant Goryeo Buddhist paintings actually do represent the major trend of the time as much as to manifest contemporary Goryeo Buddhist doctrines and the characteristics of the Buddhist schools.

III COLORING TECHNIQUES OF GORYEO BUDDHIST PAINTING

As opposed to iconography, the coloring techniques offer important evidence to determine the characteristics or the identity of the Goryeo Buddhist paintings. It is because while the iconographies in Buddhist art can be shared extensively in different time and space, as well as among countries and regions, the coloring techniques are clearly differentiated.

The early-fourteenth-century Amitabha Triad in the Nezu Museum (Figure 1), which has kept its vivid colors for nearly 700 years, is a fine example that demonstrates the coloring techniques of Goryeo. By examining this painting, I would like to further expand my discussion. First of all, the monk’s robe on the right forearm of the Buddha is painted in red, and other colors such as green, blue and a small amount of reddish brown are used; and visually-distinct decorative patterns are all drawn with gold pigment. The space around the flame-shaped precious jewel, which Mahasthamaprapta is holding, is rather insubstantial and yet it seems to be lavishly painted by using various colors; however, as in the Buddha’s garment, the colors applied are generally red, green and blue. This coloring method is seen in almost all Goryeo Buddhist paintings: e.g. Illustration of the Sutra on the Descent of Maitreya (1294) in Myōman-ji and the Illustration of the Introduction of the Visualization Sutra (the early 14th century) in Saifuku-ji.

As evident in the paintings mentioned above, the basic colors used in Goryeo Buddhist paintings are red, green and blue. More importantly, however, it should be noted that, except for extremely minor instances, the primary colors were applied without mixing with other pigments; for example, one tone of color is applied on the entire surface of each garment (the outer and inner garments, and the skirt), without attempting to create color variations.

The reason for the persistence in using primary colors was probably to maintain the vividness of the colors since the intensity and brightness decrease when the pigments are mixed. Neutral colors or the effect of volume are expressed by double-coating with white as the base color without mixing the pigments, as exemplified by Amitabha Triad in Hōdō-ji (法道寺) and Amitabha with Eight Great Bodhisattvas in Kōfukugokokuzen-ji (廣福護國禪寺); the Kagami Jinja Water-Moon Avalokiteshvara also acquired the equivalent effect by overlapping numerous lines.

The Kagami Jinja Water-Moon Avalokiteshvara (1310) as well as its replica (1989) clearly exhibit how the colors, particularly white, alter when mixed. For instance, the color of the lotus flower in the original painting displays greater intensity and brightness in comparison to its replica. Such disparity has resulted because the artist of the replica, not being aware of the original painting’s coloring technique, has mixed red and white to paint the lotus flower.

What could have been the fundamental reason for the preference to use only a limited variation of primary colors? I propose that the reason was to amplify the effect of gold, since most of the contours of the images in Goryeo Buddhist paintings, not to mention the decorative patterns, are delineated with gold.

Having close attention to the painting itself, one can potentially discern how the gold pigment is effectively utilized. The inner and outer garments of the Buddha in the Shōbō-ji (正法寺) Amitabha and the Matsuo-dera (松尾寺) Amitabha Triad are fine examples. On the entire surface of the garments, green and red are applied and then the gold is used for the decorative patterns and the folds. The method is relatively simple but sufficient to express the intended presentation; thus both paintings do not demand additional colorings or outlines. Of course, the red and green used here are primary colors. Furthermore, the Yurinkan (藤井齊成會有鄰館) Water-Moon Avalokiteshvara (Figure 3) is a most representative example that displays a sense of elegance by an effective use of gold pigment. In the case of the Kezō-in (華藏院) Kshitigarbha with the Ten Kings of Hell and the Kagami Jinja Water-Moon Avalokiteshvara, gold is used not only to delineate the decorative patterns and the outlines but also to execute various images such as a dragon and a phoenix with outstanding dexterity. Based on above-mentioned paintings, it can be construed that the Goryeo artists were well experienced with the use of gold, and for them gold served as the tool ultimately to give vitality into the picture.

( Figure 3 ) Water-Moon Avalokiteshvara (detail), 14th century. Hanging scroll; color on silk, 105.5 x 54.3 cm, Yurinkan, Kyoto

Another reason for the use of primary colors is because Goryeo Buddhist paintings have a strong tendency to suffuse the entire pictorial space with decorative motifs. For instance, the kundika bottle in Water-Moon Avalokiteshvara (1323) in Sen-oku Hakuko Kan appears to have no decorations when inspecting the painting itself or even the relatively fine photographs, but in fact the image is filled with exquisitely-designed gold patterns. Such highly decorative orientation is visible in the paintings of early Goryeo, the tradition that possibly has continued from the thirteenth century, as evident in Fifteen Thousand Buddhas in Fudō-in. Inside the character man (萬, ten thousand) are numerous images of Buddha’s face drawn with gold; and similar images appear on the surface of the nimbus and its outer edge. The garment is also decorated with the images of Buddha’s face and also of bodhisattvas. The Buddha in the illustration of the sutra at the bottom of the painting is about 1cm in height.

Various types of decorative motifs are employed in Goryeo Buddhist paintings: e.g. chrysanthemum, phoenix and arabesque. Among them, the arabesque-medallion motif is most notable. It is the decorative pattern quintessential to Goryeo’s fourteenth-century Buddhist paintings, which is commonly represented in the shape of a ‘lotus-arabesque-medallion’ by combining with the lotus motif (Figure 4). Importantly, it offers valuable clues to date Goryeo Buddhist paintings, as the time of the painting’s production can be conjectured based on the development of this particular motif. Moreover, the arabesque-medallion motif is not found in China or Japan, in any time period nor in any subject of extant Buddhist paintings, which makes it Goryeo’s unparalleled innovation. Hence, presently it is an important detail on which to determine the painting’s country of origin since if a painting has this motif, it would certainly belong to the fourteenth-century Goryeo.

( Figure 4 ) Amitabha with Eight Great Bodhisattvas (detail), dated 1320. Hanging scroll; color on silk, 177.3 x 91.2 cm, Matsuo-dera, Nara

To summarise, the characteristics of the representational techniques of Goryeo Buddhist paintings are the application of primary colors and various decorative motifs, the lavish use of gold, the use of double-coating method, the intricate details, and the tendency not to leave any unadorned space. These features function interdependently to produce a sense of compactness, and this allows the viewers to appreciate the painting’s ‘harmonious beauty.’ Furthermore, Goryeo Buddhist paintings display an outstanding craftsmanship in their richly designed patterns that permeate the entire picture surface, without attempting the color variations.

As explained above, the precise understanding of the representational techniques yields significant evidence for identifying the characteristics of Goryeo Buddhist paintings, and by extension, their identity. For this reason, it holds the pivotal role in differentiating Goryeo Buddhist paintings from those of China and Japan, as well as the subsequent Joseon. For instance, when comparing Amitabha Buddha (in Shōbō-ji) of Goryeo to a painting (in a private collection, Korea) from Song China (Figure 5), although there is some time difference between the two paintings and it may also be an impressionistic judgment, the style of Goryeo certainly contrasts with that of Song, which displays discernable color variations and clear ink outlines. Moreover, the style of the Goryeo Amitabha Buddha in Gyokurin-in (玉林院) is also distinguished from the Buddhist paintings from the Heian period in the collection of the Nara National Museum, which prioritize the realistic depiction of the images by using various colors and shading techniques, even though there also are some disparities in the time of production and the iconography. Furthermore, while the Japanese use cut pieces of gold leaf for outlines and decorative patterns, this technique was not used in Goryeo Buddhist paintings. This is another conspicuous difference.

( Figure 5 ) Amitabha Buddha, Southern Song. Private collection, Korea

IV ICONOGRAPHICAL SIMILARITIES AND THE PURPOSE OF PRODUCTION

The similarities in the iconography and the application of colors are another characteristics of Goryeo Buddhist paintings. For instance, the iconographical features in the Water-Moon Avalokiteshvara representations, though some variants exist, exhibit striking resemblance: i.e. Avalokiteshvara, slightly turning to the right, seated on a rocky outcrop in the half-lotus posture, the kundika bottle holding a willow branch, the boy pilgrim Sudhana, and two bamboo stalks (Figures 6, 7). This shows that the Water-Moon Avalokiteshvara paintings of the later period were produced with reference to earlier examples.5 The following paintings also attest to such practice of the succession: the Illustration of the Sutra on the Decent of Maitreya (Chion-in and Shinnō-in), Kshitigarbha (Nezu Museum, Figure 8; Tokugawa Art Museum, Figure 9) and the Descent of Amitabha (MOAOA Museum of Art and Matsuo-dera).6 These works resemble each other even to the minutest details, so that it is not easy to distinguish one from the other. While adhering to the convention, Goryeo Buddhist paintings also attempted to create new innovations by modifying the existing practice. Most representative examples are the Descent of Amitabha in the Tokyo National Museum and the painting of the same title in Hagiwara-ji (萩原寺). The images of the Buddha in both works have similar posture and iconographical implications. However, the painting in Hagiwaraji deviates from its prototype in the depiction of the outer garment and some of the motifs.7 As explained, despite the chronological differences, Goryeo Buddhist paintings in general have strong tendency to persistently strive for homogeneity, not only in the techniques but also the iconography. Additionally, the extant Goryeo Buddhist paintings, except for a few, are about 1m in height, thus it is not plausible to speculate that they were originally enshrined in temples. This is because a number of written records and the surviving examples, including Buseoksa Temple (浮石寺), Bongjeongsa Temple (鳳停寺), Muwisa Temple (無爲寺) of Goryeo and early Joseon testify that, during Goryeo, the majority of the paintings enshrined in temples for devotion were murals.8

( Figure 6 ) Water-Moon Avalokiteshvara, 14th century. Hanging scroll; color on silk, 109.5 x 57.8 cm, Tanzan Jinja, Nara

( Figure 7 ) Water-Moon Avalokiteshvara, 14th century. Hanging scroll; color on silk, 110.0 x 59.2 cm, Seikadō Bunkō Art Museum, Tokyo

( Figure 8 ) Kshitigarbha, 14th century. Hanging scroll; color on silk, 107.6 x 45.3 cm, Nezu Museum, Tokyo

( Figure 9 ) Kshitigarbha, 14th century. Hanging scroll; color on silk, 105.1 x 43.9 cm, Tokugawa Art Museum, Nagoya

The reasons for such a tendency can be found in Buddhist doctrines or in association with the widespread conservatism of Korean art; however, as mentioned previously, I propose that, above all, it is intimately related with the following factors: the purpose of the production, the place of enshrinement, and the function, all of which reflect contemporary Buddhist beliefs. In line with this, attention should be given to the trend of Buddhism in Goryeo and its belief system. From the foundation of the kingdom, Goryeo adopted Buddhism as the state religion and this prompted the establishment of Buddhist schools based on diverse doctrines. The nature and the system of these schools are so complex and mutually interconnected that they prevents thorough comprehension or investigation of their actual condition. But in any case, from the twelfth century, Goryeo Buddhism, having close connections with the central authoritative power, saw a rise of various religious organizations such as gyeolsa (結社) countrywide in respect to the circumstances of the Buddhist community gradually losing its sociality and true character: e.g. Jeonghye gyeolsa (定慧結社) and Baengnyeon gyeolsa (白蓮結社), represented by Jinul (知訥) and Yose (了世), respectively. With the emergence of this movement, an attempt was made to reconstruct a new its philosophical structure and belief system. However, after the mid-thirteenth century, Buddhism, again in collusion with a certain governing class, became more conservative and lost its social foundation. Especially from the beginning of Yuan’s intervening period, the practical belief concerning the benefits one can obtain by accumulating merits prevailed, apart from specific schools or doctrines. This has resulted in the faith’s individualization. The members of the royal family and the influential families, therefore, competed in constructing temples (wondang, 願堂) and commissioning illustrated scriptures using gold and silver, to accumulate merits. Such religious proclivity is also reflected in Goryeo Buddhist paintings. Most of the extant works, i.e. Amitabha, Water-Moon Avalokiteshvara and Kshitigarbha are associated with the practical wishes of the devotees both in present and next life, the nature of the belief common to the Goryeo people.9

“In accordance of the king’s age, forty paintings of Avalokiteshvara were made, and on the Buddha’s birthday, lanterns were lighted in the annex hall (byeolwon) to pray for good fortune. The king paid a visit incognito visit and saw this.” “Twelve images of Avalokiteshvara were made to observe a Buddhist service….” “The king specially bestowed the paintings of Avalokiteshvara….” [Goryeosa (高麗史, History of Goryeo)]. Based on these accounts, it can be surmised that, for each noted occasion, quite a number of paintings with a specific image were produced and, most importantly, the purpose for the production was different from the original significance of the image. Moreover, a line in Dongguk isanggukjip (東國李相國集, Collected Works of Minister Yi) also testifies to the convention of having one’s personal temple (wondang): “One of the halls was arranged as the Buddhist shrine to practise meditation. The place was equipped for all purposes, even to hold a Buddhist ceremony….” On the other hand, the story detailed in Wangnang banhonjeon (王郞反魂傳, The Story of Wangnang) provides important clues to speculate the function of the relatively small size of Goryeo’s Amitabha paintings: a woman's late husband in hell appeared in a dream, and instructed his wife to hang the painting of Amitabha on the western wall and contemplate the image. As she followed his instructions, not only did she escape being taken to the underworld by the jeoseung saja or messengers from the underworld, but she also prolonged her own life. The Japanese paintings, depicting the scene of a person contemplating a painting of the ‘descent of Amitabha’ or on the ‘illustration of the Visualization Sutra’ at his or her deathbed, also allude to the function of Goryeo Buddhist paintings.

The similarities in the technique and the iconography of Goryeo Buddhist paintings are rooted in the homogeneity shaped by the bias of the commissioning body, the purpose for the production, and the place of enshrinement. As mentioned previously, in the representations of a principal deity, Goryeo Buddhist paintings tend to amplify only the Buddha or the central subject. One of the reasons for this is that because the devotees who commission the paintings are the members of the royal family or the aristocrats, the paintings need not be expository. This also is the reason why the Goryeo Buddhist paintings are imbued with a strong sense of conceptual quality.

In association with the religious context of Goryeo Buddhist painting, various views on the Buddhist doctrines, thoughts and beliefs have been presented. On these matters, rather than focusing on the Buddhist schools, I have been arguing that although beophwa (法華), Seon (禪) and esoteric characteristics took diverse forms in the course of history, they have steadily reflected the faith and the doctrines that are integrated with the Pure Land belief. I have to admit, however, that there had been some errors. I did not fully comprehend the essence of Goryeo Buddhism, and while being confused between the Buddhist doctrines and the actual belief system, I have only partially selected relevant references.

First of all, to elucidate the context of the production, it is necessary to clarify the notion of the iconography, doctrine, belief and the school. Since most of the extant Goryeo Buddhist paintings, as noted above, were not enshrined inside a temple, hence not used for a Buddhist service, it is not plausible to consider them as an evidence to probe the doctrinal basis of a specific school. The school of thought or the doctrine and the philosophical background should be verified by scrutinizing the textual documents and the relevant temple’s main hall and the iconography of its principal Buddha statue. Furthermore, the question of whether or not the establishment of the art specific to a certain school was possible in Goryeo should be addressed.

The actual form of belief can not be completely identified with the related schools or doctrines since it tends to be pliable; it is especially susceptible to social changes. Rebirth in the Pure Land was the ultimate objective for Buddhist devotees apart from schools, doctrines, periods, monks or laities, as it is exemplified in Monk Cheonchaek (天頙)’s words: “Why wouldn’t a person, who wishes to leave this world (yeto, 穢土) and enter paradise (rakto, 樂土), devote himself to assimilate the teachings of Amitabha?” While under the influence of Yuan, the people of Goryeo experienced a tragic reality and at the same time strived for lasting enjoyment; in such circumstances, Goryeo Buddhism lost its ability and proper function. Consequently, it has harbored a religious devotion that emphasized only the importance of accumulating merits, the aspect of which relates to the faith for the benefit of acquiring good fortune. It should be considered that, by most effectively satisfying the needs of the people, the Pure Land belief and the Amitabha cult flourished, beyond any schools or doctrines.

There is another point one needs to take into consideration. That is to resolve some of the issues presented in the following questions: Do Goryeo Buddhist paintings display clear understanding of their prototypes? In the process of transmission, were there any fundamental changes? This task is important because the original significance and function of the Buddhist iconography frequently undergo adjustments in the course of their inception, adoption, comprehension and transmission. The similar condition also applies to idioms. The dedicatory inscription on the Illustrated Manuscript of the Lotus Sutra, commissioned by Yeom Seungik (廉承益) in 1283, begins as follows: “At the moment my life comes to an end, I eliminate all the obstacles and escape from sufferings so that I meet Amitabha and without delay I hope to be reborn in the paradise.” The exact phrase also appears in the Tokyo National Museum Amitabha Buddha (1286) and Rinshō-ji (隣松寺) Illustration of the Visualization Sutra (1323). Additionally, the Illustration of the Visualization Sutra (1323) in Chion-in, which shares the similar iconography with the latter, has the following phrase: “For these merits, I hope myself and others to be reborn in paradise.” This phrase was customarily inscribed on Buddhist paintings, regardless of their subjects, as well as on Buddhist metalwork, until the end of the Joseon period.10 Therefore, one must carefully think about whether or not the synthesis of doctrines is viable only depending on a certain phrase; or if the repeated use of a specific phrase simply reflects the orientation of the contemporary religious devotion based on obtaining good fortune, which in practice might perhaps be a matter of inscribing a phrase refashioned from a scripture appropriate for Buddhist epitaphs. In other words, the apprehension of the phrase’s original significance should precede further investigation.

Although Goryeo Buddhist paintings are not expository, their representations are as rhythmical as ‘silk blown in the wind’ and manifest a subtle beauty that is the result of a superb balance of forms, colors, lines, patterns and intricate details.

Because ‘characteristics’ and ‘identity’ are relative concepts, it is difficult to define them only by exploring Goryeo Buddhist paintings. Particularly, ‘identity’ is not a superior concept; it is merely a physical phenomenon. Notwithstanding, if I must specify the identity of Goryeo Buddhist painting, it is as follows: the amplification of the subject, the engagement and the tangibility, the exquisiteness embedded in the representations, and the homogeneity in function.

There are a number of unsolved questions concerning Goryeo Buddhist paintings that require attention. Since only a handful of textual references are available today, the only method to resolve remaining issues is to concretize the objective validity of each work.

In regard to Buddhist art, one cannot ascertain the difference between countries, regions or periods based only on iconography and form. I am strongly convinced that the objective truth, which a work of art possesses, i.e. representation and the technique, is the crucial ground on which to examine a painting’s historicity and identity.

Goryeo Buddhist paintings are the product of the self-assertion and control of colors, lines and decorative patterns, especially the will of expression. In other words, Goryeo Buddhist paintings are the aesthetic and spiritual creation of the Goryeo people who have strived to express the sublime realm of the Buddha beyond simple beauty, by harmonizing the constituting elements and materializing the micro world.

Additionally, it is not feasible to reconstruct the circumstances that entailed the production of Buddhist paintings in the scope of the entire Goryeo period because most of the surviving paintings are concentrated only in the fourteenth century, late Goryeo. Nevertheless, analogous to any other period or country, the extant Goryeo Buddhist paintings hold their inherent identity, and they are undoubtedly the masterpieces of Korean Buddhist painting.