The Journal of Korean Art and Archaeology

The Buddhist monk artisans of Korea are considered exceptional even in the East Asian cultural sphere that shares much of their Buddhist culture. They entered the Buddhist priesthood, abided by Vinaya (precepts) and possessed considerable technical skills. Their existence is verified in historical records going back as far as the Three Kingdoms period (57 BCE-668 CE). When the Seon (Chan), or meditation, school of Buddhism was introduced during the Unified Silla Dynasty (676–935), physical effort became recognized as an ascetic practice. Accordingly, monks actively engaged in building temples and producing images for worship. During the Goryeo Dynasty (918–1392), groups of expert monk artisans were formed, such as monk transcribers. Monk artisans who participated in public service to the state were given the posts of Seon (meditation) master (禪師) or Great Seon master (大禪師). Notable monks specializing in arts and crafts include Trice-exalted Great Master (三重大師, K. samjungdaesa) Anche (安締), a monk transcriber who was commissioned by the king to hand-copy the Tripitaka at the Eunjadaejangwon (銀字大藏院, Silver Letter Tripitaka Office) and Noyeong (魯英), who painted the Small Black-lacquered Screen with Image in Gold (Fig. 1). Fig. 1. Dharmodgata Bodhisattva and Kshitigarbha Bodhisattva by the monk Noyeong. Goryeo, 1307. 22.5 × 13.0 cm. Gold on lacquer. National Museum of Korea Noteworthy changes in the characteristics of Buddhist monk artisans during the Joseon Dynasty (1392–1910) can be understood in the context of the difficulties that Buddhist circles faced in a society that had proclaimed Confucianism as its governing philosophy. The ruler and leading figures in Joseon-era Korean society often regarded Buddhist monks as a mobilizable labor force that could reduce the people’s burden of corvee labor. Institutional restrictions on becoming a Buddhist monk and on the construction and maintenance of Buddhist temples were put in place, but the demand for the functions of a religion that could support communities and the lives of individuals rose. The roles of monk artisans expanded as they took part in both Buddhist temple projects and national public works. Although bronze casting of Buddhist craftworks, including bells and gongs, was gradually taken over by artisans from the commoner class, the production of Buddhist sculptures and paintings was entrusted solely to monk artisans. The situation in Joseon greatly differed from that in its neighbors, China and Japan. In China, professional painters called huashi (畫師) or huagong (畫工) were responsible for producing Buddhist art during the Ming Dynasty (明, 1368–1644). In Japan, artisans known as busshi (佛師) had taken charge of Buddhist projects commissioned by the nobles and imperial court since the late Heian period (平安時代, 794–1185). Japanese busshi created a genealogy based on blood ties or teacher-student relationships and gradually evolved into Buddhist project groups that maintained private workshops. Busshi artisans received dharma names as monks do, but those names simply indicated that the state had granted a type of honorary position to them. They were not monks who had entered the Buddhist priesthood. As the production of Buddhist sculptures and paintings became the exclusive responsibility of monk artisans during the Joseon Dynasty, diverse schools displaying distinctive production styles came to be established in different regions (Fig. 2). Buddhist sculptures and paintings were produced through collaboration among several monk artisans within a school, and techniques were shared and disseminated among them according to their skill levels rather than being monopolized by particular members. The areas of their activities were broad since these monk artisans worked based not only on the temples where they stayed but also on human networks centering around their monastic lineages (門中, K. munjung). In the process, some temples became famous for training apprentices and producing monk artisans by transmitting key techniques. Fig. 2. Monk Seokjeong (1928–2012) who is creating a Buddhist painting This paper aims to explore the roles and working practices of Joseon-era Buddhist monk painters who served as both Buddhist practitioners and artists. It also examines the organization and working environment of monk painters through historical materials that have been passed down to temples. By doing so, I hope to enhance the understanding of Joseon Buddhist temples not only as religiously sacred spaces, but also as places that played a social role in the creation and consumption of art. Monks Called Hwawon Buddhist Rituals and the Roles of Monk Painters In China, Buddhist scriptures emphasizing rituals and rules for creating images were published starting in the Tang Dynasty (唐, 618–907). There was no regulation stating that only monks should produce Buddhist sculptures and paintings. Nonetheless, in Korea, monks rather than artisans from the commoner class, assumed full responsibility for producing Buddhist sculptures and paintings. This was because the production of Buddhist sculptures and paintings required expertise in Buddhist iconography and doctrines, and also because rituals for enlivening images by dotting the eyes (點眼, K. jeoman) or depositing votive objects (佛腹藏, K. bulbokjang) inside the images were practiced. Joseon-era Buddhist temples served as publishers. They carved the woodblocks for a wide range of books, including scriptures, annotations, and textbooks used at Gangwon (講院, Buddhist seminaries) and then printed them out. As ritual procedures became central religious activities in Buddhism within a society pursuing Confucian order and stressing Confucian rites, various types of ritual manuals were published. These manuals include Sanbobeomeumjip (刪補梵音集, Collection of Supplemented Sanskrit Sounds), Yeongsan daehoe jakbeop jeolcha (靈山大會作法節次, Procedures of the Rite for the Great Vulture Peak Assembly), and, Cheonji myeongyang suryukjaeui beomeum sanbojip (天地冥陽水陸齋儀梵音刪補集, Edited Collection of Sanskrit Sounds for the Ceremony of the Heaven and Earth, Dark and Bright, Water and Land Feast). According to them, large-scale Buddhist projects and rituals should start only after hanging Buddhist paintings. Another ritual manual, Jagimun jeolcha jorye (仔夔文節次條列, List of Ritual Procedures by Zi Kui), was compiled by Gyepa Seongneung (桂坡聖能), who founded Haeinsa Temple and constructed Bukhansanseong Fortress as Paldodochongseop (八道都摠攝, A General Commissioner of the Eight Provinces). The manual advises that pictorial images of several deities should be placed out before a ritual and that they should be enlivened by dotting the eyes based on certain formalities (Fig. 3). It also contains methods for writing Sanskrit characters on a variety of types of Buddhist paintings used for rituals (Fig. 4). Fig. 3. Jagimun jeolcha jorye (List of Ritual Procedures by Zi Kui) compiled by Monk Gyepa Seongneung. Published by Haeinsa Temple in 1724 Fig. 4. Sanskrit characters written on the pupils, eyelids, and a tuft of hair in a detail of the gwaebul painting at Cheonggoksa Temple by Uigyeom and nine other monk painters. Joseon, 1722. Ink and color on hemp cloth. Cheonggoksa Temple, Jinju. National Treasure The demand for Buddhist sculptures was huge in the seventeenth century. In and after the eighteenth century, however, a reorganization of rituals resulted in a growth in the demand for Buddhist paintings and the expansion of the roles of monk painters. Buddhist halls served not just as symbolic spaces for enshrining Buddhist sculptures, but as important spaces for worshipping deities and performing rituals. Among the several types of Buddhist halls, the main hall included a representation of the process of a three-altar ritual by enshrining Buddhist paintings suitable for the three altars. During outdoor rituals, large-scale gwaebul (掛佛) paintings and other paintings produced for the rituals were hung outside the halls. Inside the halls, several Buddhist paintings used in rituals were hung as well. The spaces of these halls were utilized in a multi-faceted way. The names of the monks who created Buddhist sculptures can often be identified in the votive texts inserted in the sculptures. They are not written or carved on the surfaces of the sacred images, however. Contrarily, Buddhist paintings bear inscriptions recording their production dates, prayers, the list of donors, and the monks who produced them. The inscriptions on a Buddhist painting include a section listing the official duties of the monks involved (本寺秩, K. bonsajil ), a list of the names of donors (施主秩, K. sijujil ), and a list of names of the people who participated in the production of the painting (緣化秩, K. yeonhwajil). In particular, the yeonhwajil list contains the names of the hwaju (化主, fundraising monks soliciting donations from devotees for a Buddhist project), monk painters, jeungmyeong (證明, the monk supervising a Buddhist project and the ritual of depositing votive objects), and songju (誦呪, a reciter of dharani and Buddhist sutras). In order to effectively proceed with a Buddhist project, the duties of monks were specified and systematized based on a division of roles. Monk painters took part in the process of the eye-opening ritual as well. According to the Eye-Opening Rite for Buddhist Images in the Edited Collection of Sanskrit Sounds for the Ceremony of the Heaven and Earth, Dark and Bright, Water and Land Feast, “Once the chief officiator of a ritual recites a mantra of five colored threads (五色絲眞言), a hwawon (court painter) makes lotus leaves with five colored threads, ties them to a five-ja pole (about 151.5 centimeters), and pulls the other ends of the threads to tie them to the fingertips of a Buddhist sculpture. In case of a Buddhist painting, the lotus leaves are tied around a water bowl with the thread ends being pulled to be tied to the fingertips of a donor, while an indo (咽導) loudly recites gatha (poetic verses) on the five Buddhas.” This indicates that monk painters participated in the ritual procedures of investing sacred treasures with authority and divine power (Fig. 5). Fig. 5. Deposited votive objects for a Buddhist painting Chimgoengjip (枕肱集, Collected Works of Chimgoeng), a collection of literary works by the monk Chimgoeng Hyeonbyeon (枕肱懸辯), describes hwawon (court painters) as being busy adorning the precincts of a temple even on the day of a ritual. It also records that paintings by the hwawon transform a temple into a space where the Vulture Peak Assembly, where the Buddha preaches ideal sermons, is being held. According to the Congratulatory Vows by Six Partakers from the Edited Collection of Sanskrit Sounds for the Ceremony of the Heaven and Earth, Dark and Bright, Water and Land Feast, hwawon can be divided into the naebaebi (內排備) who are responsible for the interiors of a temple precinct and the oebaebi (外排備) responsible for its exteriors. As greater emphasis was placed on visually adorning the temple precincts, choosing and inviting a skillful hwawon who had achieved national fame had to be done carefully. Since monk painters had an in-depth understanding of Buddhist doctrine and iconography owing to their experiences with several Buddhist projects, they were often invited to serve as jeungmyeong (project supervisor and verifier monks). Even after retiring from the production of Buddhist paintings, they assumed responsibility for overseeing Buddhist projects. Monk painters engaged in diverse activities and a wide range of exchanges. Thus, they were able to serve as an additional agent for Buddhist projects by playing diverse roles as fundraisers, donors, and supervisors. Changes in the Appellations and the Perception of Monk Painters Many people whose names were recorded as the producers of Buddhist sculptures and paintings prior to the Joseon period turned out to be the commissioners rather than the actual creators. Before the Joseon era, the production of images of worship was not considered to be an area of expertise for monk artisans alone, and people who sponsored the production of images were considered more important than those who actually made them. Monk painters were called hwawon (畫員, court painters), hwaseung (畫僧, painting monks), hwasa (畫師, painting masters), yanggong (良工, skilled artisans), and hwagong (畫工, painting artisans). The most commonly used appellation among them was hwawon (Fig. 6). The term was widely used to refer to not only monk painters, but also monk artisans who created Buddhist sculptures or cast Buddhist bells. The term was originally used for those who belonged to the Dohwaseo (圖畫署, Royal Bureau of Painting) and were in charge of producing paintings, but it was expanded because of incidents during the Joseon Dynasty. When the government-run handicraft industry declined after the Japanese (1592–1598) and Manchu (1636–1637) invasions of Korea, monk artisans were mobilized. The state utilized the expertise and skills of monk artisans for government and private construction needs. A large number of monk artisans were summoned to rebuild the capital city and palaces. Fig. 6. Yeonhwajil (a list of names of people who participated in the production of a painting) and court painters recorded for the gwaebul painting at Bongjeongsa Temple by Domun and six monk painters. Joseon, 1710. Bongjeongsa Temple, Andong Seonsu Dogam (Superintendency of Repairing Palaces and Fortresses) stated that “[We] have ordered and urged officials in local regions to send artisans (工匠) to [the capital] for a large construction project several times, but to my surprise, they are quite indifferent to the given order and have no intention of carrying it out. Particularly, the government office of Gaeseong sent not even one person although we have asked for dozens of tile-making artisans, stonemasons, and monk painters. (Emphasis by the author) From the entry on the seventeenth day of the third lunar month of Jeonghae year (the eighth year of the reign of King Gwanghaegun [光海君, r. 1608–1623]) in Joseon wangjo sillok (朝鮮王朝實錄, Annals of the Joseon Dynasty) Like artisans from the commoner class, monk painters were enlisted on the census register and required to provide labor for building and repairing government and private structures. In the history of the gongjang (工匠, artisans) who took charge of handicrafts in pre-modern times, the presence of Joseon-era monk artisans has not been addressed. However, a reevaluation of monk artisans is needed since they played a significant role in the process of undertaking national projects. As were the official artisans (官匠, K. gwanjang) who belonged to local government offices (including tile-making artisans and stonemasons), monk painters were a part of the system of mobilization for public works (公役, K. gongyeok). Monk artisans from temples throughout the country were recruited to participate in national projects, such as the construction of palaces, the construction of Yongjusa Temple in 1789, and the construction of Hwaseong Fortress in 1790. In and after the eighteenth century, new terms for court painters appeared. These include dopyeonsu (都片手), geumeo (金魚), pyeonsu (片手), yongmyeon (龍眠), and yongan (龍眼). These new terms developed around the time when the roles of monk painters had expanded to include the re-gilding, repairing, or carving of Buddhist sculptures, in addition to producing Buddhist paintings. They allow us to understand changes in the perception of monk painters at the time and their sense of their own identity. Historical records document monk artisans creating Buddhist sculptures as “myosujangsa” (妙手匠師) or “gyojang” (巧匠), both meaning an “outstanding artisan,” and the invited monk painters as “dohwawon” (都畫員, chief court painter), “jonsuk” (尊宿, erudite and virtuous monk), or “myeonghyeonseokdeok” (明賢碩德, wise and virtuous monk). By referring to the monk artisans with these honorifics, temples indicated that their creations were sacred treasures. In doing so, they attempted to advance the authority of Buddhist projects. Monk painters were likened to particular artists like Wu Daozhi (吳道子), a Chinese painter who excelled at landscape and Buddhist painting. They were compared to renowned painters such as Zhang Sengyou (張僧繇) and Zhang Sigong (張思恭), ancient legendary sculptors, or legendary artisans. The monk painters were also recognized for rising to national fame through their remarkable abilities. When the monk painter Hyesik (慧湜) produced the Vulture Peak Assembly to be enshrined at Yeongchwisa Temple in 1742, he and other monk painters were recorded collectively as “bisuhoe” (毘首會) (Fig. 7). The term “bisuhoe” is derived from Bisugalmacheon (毘首羯磨天, Skt. Vishvakarman), the god of craftsmen who is believed to have created the first image of Buddha for King Udayana (優塡王) of Kaushambi. This deity was described as an artisan who produced Buddhist images in the Life and Activities of Shakyamuni Buddha Incarnate (釋氏源流應化事蹟) (Fig. 8), a biography of Shakyamuni Buddha. This designation reflects the notion that monk artisans were held to ideals that people from the secular world could not reach. Fig. 7-1. Vulture Peak Assembly by Hyesik and six other monk painters. Joseon, 1742. Ink and color on silk. 364 × 242.2 cm. National Museum of Korea Fig. 7-2. “Bisuhoe” written in the inscription Fig. 8. Bisugalmacheon (Skt. Vishvakarman), the artisan who made the first image of the Buddha. From Life and Activities of Shakyamuni Buddha Incarnate, vol. 2. Joseon, 1673. 27.0 × 18.2 cm The texts of praise (讚文, K. chanmum) on monk’s portraits, biographies (傳記, K. jeonggi), and the records from offering rice paddies to temples (獻畓記, K. jeondapgi) emphasized that monk painters had noble characters and excelled at ascetic practices and meditation. Monk painters were described in the narrative style used in most biographies of eminent monks. The biography of the monk painter, Geumamdang Cheonyeo (錦巖堂 天如, 1794–1878), highlights his nature as a Buddhist practitioner by relating an episode of how he devoted himself to the pursuit of his faith for 200 days in front of a sculpture of Avalokiteshvara Bodhisattva at Geumsuam Hermitage. It also stressed his talents and eccentric behavior. The biography of Cheonyeo, the texts written on his portrait, and the inscriptions on the stele for Yakhyo (若效), the canonical monk painter of modern era, at Magoksa Temple all indicate how monk painters were described in a narrative style of presenting myths about artists that emphasized their genius and talent (Fig. 9). Monk painters’ eccentric behaviors were portrayed as well. As children they were said to play by drawing images of the Buddha on the ground or practiced drawing tens of thousands of drafts to refine their skills. For example, the monk painter, Kwaeyun (快允) of Seonamsa Temple, is believed to have wrapped his right hand with a cloth most of the time and only unwrapped it for use when creating Buddhist paintings. Fig. 9. Portrait of Geumhodang Yakhyo (1840–1928). 1934. Ink and color on silk. 116 × 60.5 cm. Josajeon Hall at Magoksa Temple Chukyeon (竺衍), a monk painter active on Geumgangsan Mountain in the late nineteenth century, hid his hall name “Hyesan” (蕙山) within a painting like a signature, or included it on the roller of a hanging scroll or handscroll. This addition of a hall name differs from the inscription on the painting added as a record of the associated project. It is more of an expression of self-identity as an artist. Chukyeon (Fig. 10) was introduced in A History of Korean Art by Andre Eckardt and was named in a newspaper as “a master of Buddhist painting” along with Cheolyu (喆侑). The Sixteen Arhats painted by Chukyeon in 1926 was featured in commemorative photographs produced during the tourist boom on Geumgangsan Mountain (Figs. 11 and 12). As shown by the case of Chukyeon, the self-identity of monk painters changed from seeing themselves as a simple agent in the production of religious painting to viewing themselves an artist. This change can be observed in Buddhist paintings and relevant records. Fig. 10. Photograph of Gosan (Hyesan) Chukyeon (?–after 1930) by Andre Eckardt. 1915 Fig. 11. The “Tenth Arhat” from the Sixteen Arhats by two monk painters, including Chukyeon (active late 19th–early 20th century). 1926. Ink and color on silk. 289.0 × 225.0 cm. Tongdosa Seongbo Museum Fig. 12. A commemorative photograph of a visit to Geumgangsan Mountain The economic contributions of monk painters can be verified in hanging boards and steles at temples. As a case in point, even at in his old age, Yakhyo walked up to 196 kilometers to take part in Buddhist projects undertaken by temples scattered throughout the eight provinces. He participated in several Buddhist projects as a major donor, and in his later years donated his personally owned lands to temples. Joseon-era monk painters served not only as creators but also as promoters and supporters of Buddhist projects through their own financial resources, their influence within Buddhist circles, and their exchanges with the faithful. The Organization and Working System of Monk Painters The Production Agents of Buddhist Paintings and the Working System of Monk Painters A distinctive Buddhist culture developed during the Joseon Dynasty. A demand for the functions of religion underlaid a society despite its official pursuit of a Confucian state. Before the establishment of Confucian funeral rites, traditional faiths and views on the afterlife coexisted. Buddhist circles flexibly responded by placing an emphasis on Confucian virtues as a means to seek coexistence with Confucian ideology and values. Not all Buddhist paintings from the Joseon period were produced by monk painters. Like in the Goryeo Dynasty, court painters from the Dohwaseo (圖畫署, Royal Bureau of Painting) created Buddhist paintings sponsored by the members of the royal family and royal relatives during the early Joseon period. The Buddhist paintings made by these court painters from the Dohwaseo were enshrined at temples within the palace precincts and at other temples by monks who facilitated the patronage of the Joseon royal family, eventually exerting an influence upon works by monk painters. Sixteen Contemplations of the Visualization Sutra commissioned by King Sejo (世祖, r. 1455–1468) in 1465 was produced by the court painter Yi Maenggeun (李孟根). Welcoming the Salvific Dragon Boat commissioned by the wife of Deokheung Daewongun (德興大院君), the father of King Seonjo (宣祖, r. 1567–1608), in 1549 was painted by the court painters Yi Baeryeon (李陪連) and Yi Heunghyo (李興孝). Moreover, 400 Buddhist paintings and Medicine Buddha Triad with Twelve Guardians (in the collection of the Museum of Fine Arts, Boston) commissioned by Queen Munjeong (文定王后) in 1565 after the repair of Hoeamsa Temple, were all produced by court painters, although no records about them have survived (Figs. 13 and 14). In 1599, Queen Uiin (懿仁王后) led a project for repairing the Dosolam Hermitage and producing a painting of a White-robed Avalokiteshvara Bodhisattva. She ordered the Naesusa (內需司, Royal Treasury) to provide money from the private holdings of the royal family and send monks to repair the temple. She had Yi Jeong (李霆, 1554–1626), one of the three Joseon painters considered the masters of ink bamboo painting, produce the White-robed Avalokiteshvara Bodhisattva. Many Buddhist paintings created by court painters from the Dohwaseo under royal orders do not specify their creators. They simply bear inscriptions with information such as that they were produced by recruiting yanggong (良工, skilled artisans) or that a subject (臣) [named] ○○○ painted them with respect. However, it was common in Buddhist paintings commissioned by common people to name the monk painters. Fig. 13. Bhaisajyaguru (Medicine) Buddha Triad painted by court painters and commissioned by Queen Munjeong. Joseon, 1565. Ink, color, and gold on silk. 54.2 × 29.7 cm. National Museum of Korea Fig. 14. Medicine Buddha Triad with Twelve Guardians painted by court painters and commissioned by the Joseon royal family. Joseon, late 16th century. Ink and color on silk. 123.0 × 127.5 cm. Museum of Fine Arts, Boston As Buddhist paintings began to be perceived as a special field reserved for monk painters in and after the late sixteenth century, a great number of monk painters came to be mobilized for state-led projects. For example, 366 artisans from the capital and local regions participated in the production of the Uigwe (Royal Protocol) of the Repair of Changdeokgung Palace in 1647. Among these artisans, there were only nine court painters from the Dohwaseo, while 131 monk painters participated in the project. These 131 monk painters included forty-seven from Chungcheong-do Province, forty-five from Jeolla-do Province, and one from Gyeongsang-do Province. This indicates that large-scale monk painter organizations existed in different regions and could be mobilized as needed. Monk Seokjeong (1928–2012), a human cultural property in Buddhist painting, said that some monk painters had worked at several major temples, including Daeseungsa Temple on Sabulsan Mountain, Songgwangsa Temple on Jogyesan Mountain, Magoksa Temple on Gyeryongsan Mountain, and Yujeomsa and Geonbongsa Temples on Geumgangsan Mountain. Recent studies have focused on head monk painters. Among the renowned monk painters, Uigyeom (義謙), who was active in the eighteenth century, worked at Borimsa Temple in Jangheung during the early days of his career. Afterwards, he moved about in pursuit of Buddhist projects in the areas surrounding Jirisan Mountain and in the provinces of Jeolla-do, Gyeongsang-do, and Chungcheong-do (Fig. 15). Fig. 15. Diagram of temples that house Buddhist paintings produced by the monk painter Uigyeom (active 18th century) It is unclear whether or not contemporaneous people distinguished monk painters by the schools of their painting styles. According to records, when Buddhist sculptures were produced in 1719 for Daeungjeon Hall at Girimsa Temple in Gyeongju, people from Honamsan Mountain (湖南山人), those from Palgongsan Mountain (八公山人), and those from Wolseongsan Mountain (月城山人) participated. There are other records indicating that eighteen monks from Jeolla-do Province and ten monks from Gyeongsang-do Province took part in the reconstruction of Daeungjeon Hall at Bulguksa Temple in 1765. These records suggest that monks were perceived based on their affiliated temples, mountains, and regions. Monk painters and monk sculptors have been main areas of interest in Buddhist art history for over twenty years. As Buddhist cultural heritage at temples was investigated and the efforts of famous monk artisans were detailed, information about the periods of monk artisans’ activities and the context surrounding the production of their works has been accumulated. Art historians have defined the characteristics of monk artisan groups by dividing them into several schools. They examined whether there were any monk painters who repeatedly engaged in projects led by a certain head monk painter and formed a group. They analyzed head monk painters’ iconography and styles to see how they were different from those applied by other groups of monk painters. Their research started with the premise that a head monk painter could control his situation, plan schedules, and develop painting styles. Commonly, Buddhist paintings were produced following a commission from a temple rather than based on the painters’ personal impulses. The expenses required for buying painting tools and handling the relevant affairs differed based on the social standing of the patrons and economic situations, such as the amount of funds raised for Buddhist projects. A head monk painter supervised the production of Buddhist paintings that involved collaboration between two or more monk painters. Uigyeom, who supervised a project at Songgwangsa Temple between 1724 and 1725, divided the available monk painters into groups by halls and assigned them different painting themes. The number of monk painters involved changed according to the hierarchy and significance of the Buddhist paintings in question. Uigyeom served as a head monk painter for the Vulture Peak Assembly in Eungjindang Hall, and its preparatory drawing and painting style followed his style (Fig. 16). He oversaw the entire project, but designated certain monk painters to be in charge of each theme of the Buddhist paintings. Accordingly, the inscription on the Sixteen Arhats produced along with the Vulture Peak Assembly in Eungjindang Hall does not bear Uigyeom’s name (Fig. 17). Both paintings demonstrate an identical overall painting style. However, they show slight differences in the preparatory drawings, in the depictions of deities and patterns, and in the application of colors. These discrepancies resulted from the division of labor. Fig. 16. The Vulture Peak Assembly in Eungjindang Hall at Songgwangsa Temple Fig. 17. Sixteen Arhats in Eungjindang Hall at Songgwangsa Temple The roles of monk painters who participated in a collaborative project were divided among chulcho (出草), who created the preparatory drawings, sangcho (上草), who transferred the preparatory drawings, and seolchae (設彩), who applied glue and color. Historical records did not specify these roles. In many cases, monk painters were largely divided into head monk painters and participant monk painters. Head monk painters assumed full responsibility for producing preparatory drawings for Buddhist paintings. Preparatory drawings were blueprints for Buddhist paintings and served as a means to transmit painting styles. Monk painters from the same painting lineage shared preparatory drawings, and the characteristics of painting schools were shaped in the process of studying teachers’ preparatory drawings. Accordingly, preparatory drawings often bear the names of their owners or sometimes sugyeol (手決, signatures or marks) or seals of the monk painters who created them (Fig. 18). In and after the eighteenth century, there were some cases where regular monk painters produced preparatory drawings rather than the head monk painters. As a case in point, in the Amitabha Buddha Assembly at Namjangsa Temple from 1741, the head monk painter Segwan (世冠) was recorded as a supervisor and a monk named Wolryun (月輪) took charge of the preparatory drawings. Three years later, in 1744, when a large-scale project for producing thirty Buddhist paintings was held at Jikjisa Temple, monk painter Segwan was documented on the first line of the inscriptions on the paintings as the hamjang (函丈)—meaning a teacher undertaking a task of overseeing the project—and his disciple, Wolin (月印), was in charge of producing the preparatory drawings. Segwan supervised the project as an elder, and his disciple serving as the chief official created the preparatory drawings. In and after the nineteenth century, monk painters who were proficient at drawing rough sketches were commonly assigned the role of creating preparatory drawings. Fig. 18. Monk Manbong (1910–2006) working on a preparatory drawing In addition to Buddhist paintings, monk painters created paintings needed by local communities. In 1536, the monk painter Okjun (玉埈) from Donghwasa Temple produced a portrait of Yi Hyeonbo (李賢輔, sobriquet: Nongam) (Fig. 19). In 1686, the monk painter Uiin (義仁) produced the painting Gathering of Elders Born in the Eulchuk Year to commemorate a gathering of seven officials of the same age at Bosalsa Temple in Cheongju (Fig. 20). The monk painter Hyeho (慧皓) from Geumgangsan Mountain, who maintained friendships with literati, created Su Shi (Dongpo) in a Bamboo Hat and Clogs (Fig. 21). The styles that monk painters adopted while responding to a request for a painting from local communities impacted the production of Buddhist paintings. Fig. 19. Portrait of Nongam Yi Hyeonbo by the monk painter Okjun. Joseon, 1537. 126 × 105 cm. Ink and color on silk. Cultural Heritage Administration website Fig. 20. Gathering of Elders Born in the Eulchuk Year by the monk painter Uiin. Joseon, 1686. Ink and color on silk. 139.0 × 71.4 cm. Tangible Cultural Heritage of Seoul Fig. 21. Su Shi (Dongpo) in a Bamboo Hat and Clogs by the monk painter Hyeho. Joseon, 19th century. Ink and light color on paper. 107.0 × 31.6 cm. National Museum of Korea Besides preparatory drawings inherited from their teachers, monk painters consulted hwabo (畫譜, painting manuals consisting of printed versions of secular and religious paintings), which professional painters could obtain. In this process, the iconography of secular paintings came to be reflected in religious paintings. The Sixteen Arhats by Uigyeom and the preparatory drawings of Thirty-three Patriarchs by Hwaryeon (華蓮) demonstrate how monk painters quickly embraced iconography from figure paintings included in painting manuals like the Sancai tuhi (三才圖會, Collected Illustrations of the Three Realms) (Fig. 22). Moreover, paintings of the banquet of the Queen Mother of the West and of Daoist immortals, both themes frequently used in court paintings that later became famous among common people, were placed at important locations in Buddhist halls. Iconography from novels and book illustrations as well as the motifs from folk painting and paintings of books and scholar’s accoutrements constantly influenced mural paintings at temples. A monk painter named Yeonhong (演弘) working in Gyeonggi-do Province oversaw the production of mural paintings in Daegwangbojeon Hall at Magoksa Temple in Gongju, Chungcheong-do Province (Fig. 23). The mural paintings in the upper walls of the hall feature arhats depicted in the hwabo (painting manual) style adopted by Uigyeom. This style was popular in Jeolla-do Province at the time. The mural paintings on the main walls of the hall present Daoist iconography of the immortals Li Tieguai (李鐵拐) and Liu Haichan (劉海蟾), who were widely popular among the common people as granters of eternal youth and immortality (Fig. 24). Fig. 22-1. Sancai tuhi (Collected Illustrations of the Three Realms). Ming, China, 17th century Fig. 22-2. Detail of the Sixteen Arhats at Heungguksa Temple in Yeosu by Uigyeom and other monk painters. Joseon, 1723 Fig. 22-3. Preparatory drawing by Hwaryeon for the Thirty-three Patriarchs at Ssangbongsa Temple. Joseon, 1768. Tongdosa Seongbo Museum Fig. 22-4. Mural painting in Daegwangbojeon Hall at Magoksa Temple. Joseon, ca. 1788 Fig. 23. Mural painting of Daoist immortals on the lintel on the north side of Daegwangbojeon Hall at Magoksa Temple Fig. 24-1. Daoist immortal Li Tieguai by Sim Sajeong. Kansong Art and Culture Foundation Fig. 24-2. Daoist immortal Liu Haichan by Sim Sajeong. Kansong Art and Culture Foundation Monk painters moved across multiple regions and worked jointly with monk painters from other painting schools at different sites. Such collaboration allowed them to master ancient Buddhist painting styles and works by renowned monk painters, as well as to embrace emerging innovations. Identical painting styles can be observed within paintings created in different times and places. This sharing of painting styles is demonstrated by the case of Singyeom, who led a Buddhist project at Jungheungsa Temple on Bukhansan Mountain by using preparatory drawings of the Ten Kings of Hell that he had produced for a project one year earlier at Gounsa Temple in Uiseong. Similarly, the monk painter Yakhyo practiced painting by using preparatory drawings by Yuseong, who was active in the Gyeongsang-do region, and Cheolyu, a monk painter on Geumgangsan Mountain, utilized preparatory drawings from Tongdosa Temple. The Variability of the Organization and Wages of Monk Painters Some head monk painters who made remarkable achievements worked in many different regions and maintained rather weak bonds with the temples to which they belonged. The monk painter groups led by these head monk painters for certain periods of time had no regular members. The members varied based on several elements, including the hierarchy among the monk painters who participated in a project, their “dharma age” (法臘, the number of years since being ordained as a monk), and the significance of their assigned tasks. The organization of the monk painters also changed when head monk painters were invited to undertake public works and requested by their affiliated monastic lineages to work on Buddhist projects. At those times, monk painters who united for these particular projects joined with the monks who belonged to the temples where the projects were held, indicating that the organization of monks involved in the projects could vary. In 1740 (the sixteenth year of the reign of King Yeongjo [英祖, r. 1724–1776]), Hyesik (慧式), a monk painter from Gayasan Mountain, supervised a Buddhist project that donated one thousand Buddhas to Pagyesa Temple. It was based on sponsorship from royal family members, including King Yeongjo himself (Fig. 25). Before producing the Buddhist paintings and repairing and re-gilding the Dry-lacquered Seated Avalokiteshvara Bodhisattva at Pagyesa Temple, he created some preparatory drawings needed at neighboring temples, including for Okryeonsa and Gounsa Temples in Uiseong. At Pagyesa Temple, he re-gilded Buddhist sculptures in the large lecture hall, repaired the sculptures of the Ten Kings of Hell and paintings in its affiliated hermitages, and produced the Buddha triad sculpture in Nahanjeon Hall. The dohwawon (chief court painter) Hyesik, who vowed to undertake this Buddhist project at Pagyesa Temple, worked with thirteen monk painters over the course of two years. Among these thirteen monk painters were head monk painters who worked independently, including Milgi (密琦) and Uigyeom (Fig. 26). Similarities in painting styles can be found in temples far from one another since monk painters traveled to engage in different Buddhist projects. Moreover, exchanges among monks brought about the development of new styles. Fig. 25. The Dry-lacquered Seated Avalokiteshvara Bodhisattva in Wontongjeon Hall at Pagyesa Temple Fig. 26. Votive Text for the Dry-lacquered Seated Avalokiteshvara Bodhisattva at Pagyesa Temple. Joseon, 1740. Ink on paper. 50.0 × 180.0 cm. Pagyesa Temple, Daegu.Treasure Most of the workshops for monk artisans were installed at the temples where the Buddhist projects were carried out since the fundraising by monks, the provision of materials, and the supervision and verification of the projects were all managed by the temples involved. Monk artisans traveled to the temples where there was a demand for them. Temporary workshops called bulsaso (佛事所, Buddhist project office), hoehwaso (繪畫所, painting office), and seongjoso (成造所, construction office) were installed at these temples. Sometimes, hermitages or pavilions in the temple precincts were utilized, as demonstrated by the project for producing a gwaebul painting in 1759 at Heungguksa Temple in Yeosu. Help from local government offices was often needed to secure and purchase materials for Buddhist projects and to transport the goods and monetary offerings. The records housed at temples where monks’ militias defended fortresses and sago (史庫, history archives) and records at offices used by troops protecting coastal areas after war both document support coming from officials such as hyeongam (county magistrates) and sugun jeoldosa (provincial naval commanders). For example, when the old lecture hall at Borimsa Temple in Jangheung was reconstructed in 1715, the provincial naval commander administering the left Jeolla-do Province commandries helped obtain wooden materials from a neighboring island and transported them via ship. According to some records, lawsuits were sometimes filed even after expenses for materials were paid. This implies that aid from government offices was required at several stages for undertaking a Buddhist project. The wages received by monk artisans have not been researched in detail. Probably because Buddhism emphasized merit-making, specific records are rare. Nevertheless, the financial management of temples was handled strictly, and monk artisans were given their due. The List of Jeongokyusa at Daeheungsa Temple from 1790 records the monks who were entrusted with managing the properties and grain of each temple and the dates they started new posts. Here, the roles of the jeongokyusa (a minor official dealing with financial affairs) rigidly and fairly managing temple properties was likened to those of a minister within the Takjibu (Ministry of Finance) in the central government or an ajeon (local civil functionary) controlling grain in a village, highlighting the importance of the task of managing finances and accounting at a temple. When mobilized for public works, monk painters received wages just as artisans from the commoner class did. The monk painter Sanggyeom (尙謙) was mentioned in the section on the joseongso (造成所, an office for construction) in the Uigwe (Royal Protocol) of the Construction of Hyeonryungwon Tomb of King Jangjo (莊祖顯隆園園所都監儀軌) from 1789. He collaborated with court painters and received 162 liters of rice and a roll of linen and cotton as compensation like them. According to the Uigwe (Royal Protocol) of the Construction of Hwaseong Fortress, as the number of painters capable for taking responsibility for the traditional decorative coloring (丹靑, K. dancheong) of a gate-pavilion was low, the state ordered temples to search for skillful monk painters and send them to Hwaseong in the nineth lunar month of 1794 (the eighteenth year of the reign of King Jeongjo [正祖, r. 1776–1800]). It also contains an official document stating that the monk, Yeonhong, was appointed as the chief monk painter. In public works, monk painters mainly undertook the traditional decorative coloring of buildings. Their wages were the same as those of varnishing and sculpting artisans. Gyeo (戒悟), a monk painter from Dorimsa Temple, crafted and painted a wooden container for votive texts over the course of three months in 1683 (the ninth year of the reign of King Sukjong [肅宗, r. 1674–1720]) and received fifty rolls of hemp cloth and eighteen liters of white rice in return. Gyeo received these wages in exchange for his participation in a project carried out at the temple to which he belonged. According to the Record of the Construction of Borimsa Temple in Jangheung, a head monk painter named Saekmin (色旻) and his sixteen disciples were recruited for producing a large painting of Indra hung at Daeyangmun Gate. They received 8,100 liters of rice and 200 yang (the currency of Joseon Dynasty). The Record of Donations Received upon the Establishment of Pyochungsa Temple (表忠設立有功錄) written in 1789 and stored at Daeheungsa Temple in Haenam contains a list of donations categorized by province (Hwanghae-do, Hamgyeong-do, Gangwon-do, and others) and by head monks at temples. The list includes the monk painter Gwangyeop (廣曄), who created paintings for Woljeongsa, Sinheungsa, and Gimryongsa Temples and donated to his affiliated temple fifty yang that he earned by applying traditional decorative coloring. The Record of Donations Received upon the Establishment of Pyochungsa Temple also documents that Pyochungsa Temple paid Baekheun (白欣) wages for the rough application and re-application of traditional decorative coloring as well as additional expenses for traveling, painting tools, and pigments (Fig. 27). Fig. 27. Record of Donations Received upon the Establishment of Pyochungsa Temple. Joseon, 1789. Ink on paper. 36.0 × 27.8 cm. Yongheungsa Temple, Damyang Pigments and painting tools were either donated or the temples could purchase them after selling other donated goods. Monk painters were familiar with the procurement of pigments, as noted in the elaborate and touching story of the re-gilding of the peeled-off gold plating on the Buddhist sculptures in Daeungjeon Hall at Donghwasa Temple. Thousands of pieces of gold were collected for the re-gilding from Donghwasa Temple and several other temples. However, as the government fell into chaos and the people were traumatized by the Japanese Invasions of Korea (1592–1598), Donghwasa Temple used up all of these golden pieces for rebuilding the temple and soothing the people. Three years later, people put their hearts into collecting more gold, but the monk painter entrusted with re-gilding the sculptures tried to leave after stating that the gold was insufficient for the re-gilding project. The temple earnestly asked him to proceed with the re-gilding. He worried that the new layer of gold plating would peel off because it was applied over the old gilt layer due to the lack of gold and the previously applied glue had lost its adhesion. He also said that the re-gilding of the Buddha triad required 240 pieces of gold. The records on the re-gilding of Buddhist sculptures at Borimsa Temple in Jangheung in 1748 document a debate among monks over the price and purchasing routes for gold. Several people, including goldsmiths in Jeonju, heard about the need for the re-gilding and wanted to participate in the project, but monks worried that these goldsmiths from the commoner class might cheat them regarding the price or quality of gold. Since hwawon (monk painters) were well aware of the quality of gold, the monks had them visit goldsmiths in the capital to obtain gold of high quality. Such records handed down at temples provide information about the working environment of monk artisans. However, there are few remaining records that detail the environments in which monk artisans worked and how the overall process of a Buddhist project proceeded from the completion of paintings until their enshrinement. The Diary of the Seongjoso (Construction Office) at Daedunsa Temple (大芚寺成造所日記) (stored at Yongheungsa Temple in Damyang) records the rebuilding of several halls at Daeheungsa Temple (or Daedunsa Temple) in Haenam, which was destroyed in a fire on the fourteenth day of the tenth lunar month of 1899 (Fig. 28). It also documents expenses and other expenditures for the rebuilding project. This diary helps us understand the increase in the number of artisans from the commoner class participating in Buddhist projects. Fig. 28. Diary of Seongjoso (Construction Office) at Daedunsa Temple. Joseon. Ink on paper. 30.2 × 27.8 cm. Yongheungsa Temple, Damyang The Diary of the Seongjoso (Construction Office) at Daedunsa Temple provides information about the revenues and expenditures of the temple, prices of goods, and wages for labor. A rare surviving example of accounting documents from temples, this diary indicates that greater numbers of artisans from the commoner class gradually came to participate in Buddhist projects in the late nineteenth century. It lists detailed expenditures, including personnel expenses (for lumberjacks, stonemasons, carpenters, and artisans), traveling and food expenses for a person who went to bring a blacksmith, traveling expenses for artisans, expenses for snacks for children who served as helpers at the temple, and a charge for a letter delivery service. The diary also lists additional expenses such as the wages for the carpenters’ or the laborers’ repair of a temporary office for a Buddhist project, traveling expenses or money for drinking, and expenses for materials and tools used for repairs, including an iron hammer utilized for erecting pillars, other tools like a plane, large ruler, axe, paper, brushes, and ink. Similar expenditure items might have been recorded for monk artisans. Although more artisans from the commoner class came to be involved in Buddhist projects, the production of Buddhist paintings was considered an area of expertise for monk painters. Seventeen new paintings for the rebuilt Daeheungsa Temple were produced by inviting Gyeongseon Eungseok (慶船應釋), a monk painter from Gyeonggi-do Province, and Seokong Cheolyu (石翁喆侑), a monk painter from Geumgangsan Mountain. In order to manage temple finances, monks maintained a Bosachong (補寺廳, an office for supporting the temple) or established a gapgye (甲契, fraternity) among monks born in the same year (as seen in the production of the gwaebul painting at Heungguksa Temple in Yeosu in 1759). Since monk painters carried out several Buddhist projects by traveling to different regions and were paid for their labor, they were relatively well off compared to general monks. Those who owned their own pigments or gold took part in projects as donors. As a case in point, a major donor of gold for the project of re-gilding a sculpture at Jikjisa Temple in 1714 (the fortieth year of the reign of King Sukjong) was the monk artisan Cheongyun (淸允) who was also responsible for re-gilding the Jikjisa sculpture. In 1728, disciples of Uigyun (義均), a monk painter from the Palgongsan Mountain region, led a project to produce sixteen Buddhist paintings for Donghwasa’s neighboring temples in Gyeongju and Cheongdo. At the time, Uigyun, who had retired, served as a major donor for the project. Based on their financial foundation and the area of their activities, monk painters formed relationships with Buddhist devotees and extended their influence. Moreover, by initiating Buddhist projects or becoming donors, they helped bolster temple finances. By passing down fields and paddies to their disciples that they had inherited from their birth parents or teachers, monk painters contributed to the expansion of their affiliated temples’ or lineages’ farmlands. Conclusion Buddhist paintings of the Joseon Dynasty were not only objects of faith and worship, but also cultural products created in specific social and economic environments. Monk organizations at temples had accommodated the demand for Buddhist projects since the Goryeo Dynasty. However, the application of traditional decorative coloring and the production of Buddhist paintings were considered the specialty of monk painters. The overall process of producing a Buddhist painting from its design to its enlivening through an eye-opening ritual was believed to fall outside the scope of artisans from the commoner class. The range of monk painters’ local activities was broad since they worked based on networks centering around their affiliated temples and monk lineages. The formation of different schools of monk painters and the transmission of the traditions of these schools was made possible by production practices that passed along knowledge, skills, and styles through apprenticeship education under the leadership of head monk painters. These head monk painters directed and supervised the full process of the production of Buddhist paintings from the creation of preparatory drawings through the application of pigments and addition of patterns. Accordingly, the styles of head monk painters hold a critical position for interpreting the style of a given painting school. The roles of monk painters expanded when they started participating in public works after the state handicraft system collapsed and as they responded to local communities’ needs for paintings. The expansion of their roles impacted the styles of Buddhist paintings. An illustrative example of the public works for which famous monk painters throughout the country were recruited is the foundation of Yongjusa Temple in 1790 when King Jeongjo constructed the tomb of Crown Prince Sado. The collaboration among monk painters from different regions led to the development of new styles. Based on their financial capacity and the areas of their activities, monk painters served as further agents for Buddhist projects by serving as donors, fundraisers, and verifiers. Monk artisans were a distinctive feature of the Joseon Dynasty within the East Asian cultural sphere.

Following the Japanese Invasions of Korea (1592–1598 CE), the Joseon Buddhist community rebuilt many war-ravaged temples, produced a vast body of Buddhist sculptures and paintings, and enshrined them at restored temples throughout the country. A self-sufficient creation and construction system based on monk artisans was established around this time. This system enabled late Joseon monk artisans to actively engage in image creation and building construction in and after the seventeenth century. These monk artisans stably transmitted their accumulated production and construction know-how to later generations. In this light, some scholars view the late Joseon Dynasty as a golden age for Buddhist art in Korea. Compared to those from the early Joseon Dynasty, Buddhist sculptures from the late Joseon Dynasty are considered to be relatively free from external formative influences. Overall, they exhibit characteristics distinctive to Korea. Several outstanding monk sculptors with remarkable skills emerged in the early seventeenth century, became leaders of teams of monk sculptors, and produced a monumental amount of Buddhist sculptures. As a next generation of monk sculptors inherited this tradition in the mid- and late seventeenth century, Buddhist sculpture reached a high degree of maturity and showed their creativity through new formative experiments. Among this succeeding generation of monk sculptors were Saeknan (色難) in Jeolla-do Province and Seungho (勝浩) in Gyeongsang-do Province. Daneung (端應), who will be be discussed in this paper, was a member as well. Around the year 2000, records on votive objects deposited inside the late Joseon Buddhist sculptures enshrined at temples throughout South Korea began to be examined and publicized. As a result, the monk-sculptor, Daneung, came to be known to the general public. He has been identified as the creator of the Wooden Amitabha Buddha Altarpiece (also known as the Wooden Altarpiece of the Nine Grades of Rebirth in Amitabha’s Pure Land) from 1684 that is enshrined at Yongmunsa Temple in Yecheon, Gyeongsangbuk-do Province. The study of wooden Amitabha Buddha altarpieces was accordingly reinvigorated, leading to an investigation into the genealogies and activities of monk sculptors and an examination of their applied iconography and styles. A wooden Amitabha Buddha altarpiece is made from several woodblocks that are engraved with diverse deities and then pieced together. It can be considered a convergence of Buddhist sculpture and painting. There are ten currently known surviving examples of these wooden altarpieces in Korea. As an original creation of late-Joseon Buddhist art that was not found in China or Japan at the time, wooden Amitabha Buddha altarpieces have received considerable attention. Wooden Amitabha Buddha altarpieces with known dates of production are found in: Daeseungsa Temple (1675) in Mungyeong, Gyeongsangbuk-do Province (Fig. 1), Gyeongguksa Temple in Seoul the fifth lunar month of 1684 (Fig. 2), Yongmunsa Temple the ninth lunar month of 1684 (Fig. 3), Gwaneumseonwon Hall at Namjangsa Temple (1694–1695) in Sangju, Gyeongsangbuk-do Province, and Yaksuam Hermitage (1782) at Silsangsa Temple in Jeollabuk-do Province. Among these examples, the Wooden Amitabha Buddha Altarpiece at Daeseungsa Temple is presumed to have been produced by Daneung based on its sculpting style and production method. Those at Gyeongguksa and Yongmunsa Temples are clearly indicated in written records to also be works by Daneung. This demonstrates Daneung’s significance to late Joseon Buddhist sculpture. The Yongmunsa altarpiece in particular provides important reference material for understanding late Joseon Buddhist art since it bears diverse symbolic elements, there are related surviving documents, and its accompanying sculptural set of a Wooden Seated Amitabha Buddha Triad remains intact. Fig. 1. Wooden Amitabha Buddha Altarpiece. Joseon, 1675. 3.47 × 2.79 m. Daeungjeon Hall at Daeseungsa Temple, Mungyeong (originally enshrined at Buseoksa Temple, Yeongju). National Treasure Fig. 2. Wooden Amitabha Buddha Altarpiece by Daneung and five other monk sculptors. l684. 1.77 × 1.76 m. Geungnakbojeon Hall at Gyeongguksa Temple, Seoul (originally enshrined at Yaksaam Hermitage, Wanju-gun). Treasure Fig. 3. Wooden Amitabha Buddha Altarpiece and Wooden Seated Amitabha Buddha Triad by Daneung and eight other monk sculptors. 1684. H. 90 cm (main Buddha). Daejangjeon Hall at Yongmunsa Temple, Yecheon. Treasure Based on the preceding research, this paper intends to explore the faith, ideological meaning, and production background behind the Wooden Amitabha Buddha Altarpiece at Yongmunsa Temple by focusing on several of its symbolic elements. These symbolic elements can be largely divided into Buddhist and non-Buddhist elements, both of which will be analyzed in this paper. Notably, the non-Buddhist elements from Zhouyi (周易, The Book of Changes) were incorporated. For a better understanding of the work, the status and role of Daneung—the producer of the Yongmunsa altarpiece—as a monk sculptor will be also examined. Moreover, by comparing from multiple perspectives the symbolic elements in the Yongmunsa altarpiece with similar symbolic elements in other Buddhist sculptures created by Daneung, this paper aims to broaden the understanding of the Wooden Amitabha Buddha Altarpiece at Yongmunsa Temple. All of these efforts will ultimately help to explain the complex and multilayered characteristics of late Joseon Buddhist art. The Sculpting Activities and Roles of Daneung The monk sculptor, Daneung, produced Buddhist sculptures for over fifty years, from the late seventeenth through the early eighteenth century. Some records on the production of Buddhist sculptures made by Daneung describe him as a monk sculptor based at Songgwangsa Temple in Wanju, Jeollabuk-do Province or at Wibongsa Temple in Jeonju, Jeollabuk-do Province. However, sculptures produced by Daneung are found in several other regions as well, including the northern areas of Gyeongsangbuk-do Province and various sites in Chungcheong-do and Gangwon-do Provinces. There are thirteen sculptures that are known to have been produced by Daneung. They include the Wooden Seated Shakyamuni Buddha and Clay Arhats from 1656 at Songgwangsa Temple in Wanju, Jeollabuk-do Province, the Wooden Four Guardian Kings from 1665 at Jikjisa Temple in Gimcheon, Gyeongsangbuk-do Province, the Wooden Seated Seven Buddhas from 1681 at Magoksa Temple in Gongju, Chungcheongnam-do Province (Fig. 4), the Wooden Seated Avalokiteshvara Bodhisattva from 1689 at Jeongbangsa Temple in Jecheon, Chungcheongbuk-do Province, the Portable Shrine with a Wooden Amitabha Triad from 1692 at Yeongjosa Temple on Jeju-do Island (Fig. 5), the Wooden Seated Shakyamuni Buddha Triad from 1692 at Bonghwangsa Temple in Andong, Gyeongsangbuk-do Province, and the Wooden Four Guardian Kings from 1705 at Ssanggyesa Temple in Hadong, Gyeongsangnam-do Province. Fig. 4. Wooden Seated Seven Buddhas by Daneung and nineteen other monk sculptors. Joseon, 1681. Yeongsanjeon (or Cheonbuljeon) Hall at Magoksa Temple, Gongju. Chungcheongnam-do Province Tangible Cultural Heritage Fig. 5. Portable Shrine with a Wooden Seated Buddha (created for Soyeong Singyeong for his private worship). Joseon, 1692. H. 22.5 cm. Yeongjosa Temple, Seogwipo. Jeju-do Tangible Cultural Heritage Daneung’s fifty-year-long career can be broadly divided into its first and second phases. The first phase falls roughly between the 1650s and the late-1680s, while the second spans the late 1680s to the early 1700s. The 1680s appear to be a particularly prolific period for Daneung as a monk sculptor, and this decade is considered his peak. The Wooden Amitabha Buddha Altarpiece at Yongmunsa Temple with its artistic creativity and a high level of accomplishment was produced during this period. The standing of Daneung within the Buddhist community as a monk sculptor while he was producing Buddhist sculptures can be understood to some extent through the terms recorded in the texts related to the sculptures he made. Like other contemporaneous monk sculptors, Daneung was referred to as “hwawon” (畫員, a court painter), “seonsu” (善手, a man of great skill), “hwagong” (畫工, a painter), or “seonsuyanggong” (善手良工, a skilled artisan of great skill). These titles indicate nothing particularly special since they were commonly applied to monk sculptors and monk painters during the Joseon Dynasty. However, it is worth noting that the record on the Clay Seated Bhaisajyaguru (Medicine) Buddha from 1692 at Bonghwangsa Temple in Andong documents Daneung as “sudaeseonsa” (首大禪師, a great head Seon master). Daeseonsa (大禪師) was a high clerical rank given to those who gained a promotion after passing the state examination on Seon (Chan) Buddhism that was held to recruit monks during the early Joseon Dynasty (ranks from low to high: Daeseon [大選] → Jungdeok [中德] → Seonsa [禪師] → Daeseonsa [大禪師] → Dodaeseonsa [都大禪師]). Since the state examination for Buddhist monks was no longer administered in the late Joseon Dynasty, there was no state-sanctioned clerical rank system. Calling a monk sculptor daeseonsa might have been simply an idiomatic honorific title at the time. Nevertheless, there are several cases of famed Joseon monk sculptors being recorded as daeseonsa. Therefore, when Daneung was referred to as sudaeseonsa, it is presumed to be an indication that he was recognized as both a skillful artisan and a monk well-versed in Buddhist practices and doctrine. Daneung assumed the responsibilities of a jeungmyeong (證明) when producing a Buddhist table and a pedestal for Bonghwangsa Temple in Andong in 1694. A jeungmyeong is a figure who ensures that a Buddhist project corresponds to doctrine. Commonly, eminent monk scholars or high priests well-versed in Buddhist practices were invited to serve as jeungmyeong. Accordingly, we can assume that Daneung held a high standing in the Buddhist community. Daneung is presumed to have been skilled at sculpting and to have possessed a deep understanding and broad knowledge of Buddhist doctrine. With this in mind, this paper will explore the meanings of several symbolic elements in Daneung’s work, including the Wooden Amitabha Buddha Altarpiece at Yongmunsa Temple. Symbolism in the Wooden Amitabha Buddha Altarpiece at Yongmunsa Temple According to “A Record on the Construction of the Main Hall at Yongmunsa Temple,” a monk named Soyeong Singyeong (昭影神鏡) passed by Yongmunsa Temple one day and discovered that there was no main hall (金堂, K. geumdang). It continues on to say that in the ninth lunar month of 1684, he led the construction of a main hall and the production of a Buddha triad and a wooden Amitabha Buddha altarpiece. The lower-right section of the bottom edge of the frame of this wooden Amitabha Buddha altarpiece also bears an inscription reading, “The one who constructed the main hall for the first time and created the wooden Amitabha Buddha altarpiece was the high priest, Soyeongdang Singyeong” (金堂始刱造佛像版幀ㅇ 名賢大德昭影堂大師神鏡). The written record and the inscription on the altarpiece both indicate that Soyeong Singyeong played a significant role. It should be noted that Daneung fully understood the abstract ideas of Soyeong Singyeong and was able to visually materialize them by closely communicating with him as a fellow monk who walked the path of a truth-seeker rather than just serving as a technician following the instructions of Soyeong Singyeong. In addition to the main theme of Amitabha Buddha preaching, the Wooden Amitabha Buddha Altarpiece at Yongmunsa Temple features a wide variety of Buddhist elements alongside non-Buddhist elements incorporated from the Book of Changes. Its creator, Daneung, included similar symbolic elements in other Buddhist sculptures. By comparing them with symbolic elements in the Yongmunsa altarpiece, I will examine their meanings from multiple perspectives. The Manifestation of Buddhist Elements 1. Elements of Pure Land Buddhism The Wooden Amitabha Buddha Altarpiece at Yongmunsa Temple presents the seated Amitabha Buddha surrounded by his eight great bodhisattvas standing in two rows (Fig. 6). These bodhisattvas are Manjusri, Samantabhadra, Avalokiteshvara, Mahasthamaprapta, Vajragarbha, Sarvanivarana-Viskambhi, Maitreya, and Kshitigarbha. In the upper row next to Maitreya Bodhisattva and Kshitigarbha Bodhisattva kneel the Buddha’s disciples, Kasapya and shaven-headed Ananda. Below the eight bodhisattvas, the Four Guardian Kings stand in a row. A jar with lotus stalks inside can be found in the lowest section of the altarpiece. At the ends of the stalks are nine blooming lotus flowers. They are inscribed with the nine grades of rebirth in Amitabha’s Western Pure Land, ranging from the upper grade-upper birth (上品上) to the lower grade-lower birth (下品下) (Fig. 6). These visually represent the nine grades of rebirth (九品往生) in the Buddhist faith in the Western Pure Land. Such depictions of the nine grades of rebirth visually represent the fourteenth, fifteenth, and sixteenth contemplations which are considered the most essential among the sixteen contemplations (觀) included in the Amitayurbhavana Sutra (觀無量壽經, the Sutra on the Visualization of the Buddha Amitayus). They facilitate the understanding of the main theme depicted in the Yongmunsa altarpiece—that the deceased reach Amitabha Buddha’s Western Pure Land through a process of being reborn across the nine grades. Fig. 6-1. Wooden Amitabha Buddha Altarpiece by Daneung and eight other monk sculptors. Joseon, 1684. 2.65 × 2.18 m. Daejangjeon Hall at Yongmunsa Temple, Yecheon. Treasure Fig. 6-2. Detail of inscriptions and the Nine Grades of Rebirth in the lower section of the Wooden Amitabha Buddha Altarpiece at Yongmunsa Temple Moreover, four phrases engraved on the left and right edges of the frame, two at each, aptly demonstrate the Pure Land faith espoused by this Wooden Amitabha Buddha Altarpiece (大須彌之中微塵刹土/三世空色是圓融之法乃至/當極樂之界寶池九品/三種尊容又聖僧之位). The phrases read as follows: “(There are) numerous Buddha lands in Great Sumeru, and the emptiness and form of three ages reach them through the law of perfect interfusion. Here are nine grades of the jeweled pond of paradise, and three kinds of honored visages and sacred monks are enshrined there.” These phrases confirm that the main theme of this Wooden Amitabha Buddha Altarpiece is rebirth in the Western Pure Land. Iconography relating to the nine grades of rebirth based on the motif of nine lotus flowers can also be observed in the Wooden Amitabha Buddha Altarpiece at Gyeongguksa Temple produced by Daneung in the fifth lunar month of 1687. In the Gyeongguksa piece, however, the nine lotus flowers are sculpted into three rows in the lower-center section of the picture plane (Fig. 2). Another work by Daneung, the mandorla of the Wooden Seated Amitabha Buddha from 1689 at Seonseoksa Temple in Seongju, Gyeongsangbuk-do Province (Fig. 7), shows a form and composition of nine-graded rebirth iconography similar to that found in the Yongmunsa altarpiece. During the late Joseon Dynasty, wooden sculptures were not generally provided with mandorlas, but Daneung separately produced a mandorla and installed it behind the Seonseoksa sculpture. The lower section of the mandorla is adorned with nine circles against a background of lotus flowers and clouds. Inside these nine circles are written the names of the nine grades of rebirth from the upper grade-upper birth to the lower grade-lower birth, reflecting the faith in rebirth of these nine grades. Daneung seems to have intended these compositional and textual similarities between the Yongmunsa altarpiece and the Seonseoksa mandorla. They demonstrate a style unique to Daneung and embody his belief in Pure Land Buddhism. Fig. 7-1. Wooden Seated Amitabha Buddha by Daneung and six other monk sculptors. Joseon, 1789. H. 1.17 m. Daeungjeon Hall at Seonseoksa Temple, Seongju Fig. 7-2. Detail of the Nine Grades of Rebirth in the lower section of the mandorla of the Wooden Seated Amitabha Buddha at Seonseoksa Temple 2. Elements of Seon (Chan) Buddhism The top edge of the frame of this Wooden Amitabha Buddha Altarpiece is carved with the Sanskrit character (om) and a reversed swastika (卍, K. man) (Fig. 8). The bottom edge of the frame has engraved Chinese characters reading “myeongsim” (明心, luminous mind or illuminating the mind) (Fig. 9). In Buddhism, the Sanskrit character “om” symbolizes the energy and fundamentals of the universe and is often used at the beginning of various darani (invocations). The swastika represents auspiciousness and all virtues within the body of the Buddha. The word myeongsim reflects the concept of Buddhist practices illustrated by the Wooden Amitabha Buddha Altarpiece. The word itself means “luminous mind” and can refer to something that illuminates the mind. In historical literature related to Seon (禪, Chan in Chinese) Buddhism, myeongsim is used as part of phrases like “myojeongmyeongsim” (妙淨明心, subtle, clear, and luminous mind) or “myeongsimgyeonseong” (明心見性, seeing the Buddha nature within oneself by illuminating the mind). In other words, myeongsim refers to the Buddha nature within oneself, that is, enlightenment itself, or the practice of discovering their Buddha nature. This word is intimately intertwined with Seon Buddhism. Fig. 8. “Om” and “Swastika” on the top edge of the frame of the Wooden Amitabha Buddha Altarpiece at Yongmunsa Temple Fig. 9. “Myeongsim” (明心) on the bottom edge of the frame of the Wooden Amitabha Buddha Altarpiece at Yongmunsa Temple Daneung widely used similar terms related to Seon Buddhism in his other sculptures. The Wooden Seated Seven Buddhas produced in 1681 at Magoksa Temple are a case in point. The middle shaft of the pedestal for the seventh Buddha (Fig. 10-1) bears carved inscriptions reading “donjeomimun” (頓漸二門) and “seongjeokdaechi” (惺寂對治) at both ends of its front side (Fig. 10-2). These phrases are extracted from Beopjip byeolhaengnok jeoryo byeongipsagi (法集別行錄節要幷入私記, Excerpts from the Dharma Collection and Special Practice Record with Personal Notes) written by the National Preceptor Bojo Jinul (1158–1210), in 1209 during the Goryeo Dynasty. Donjeomimun means dono (sudden enlightenment) and jeomsu (gradual cultivation), which are the two methods of Seon Buddhist practice. Seongjeokdaechi is related to seongjeokdeungjimun (惺寂等持門, the path of parallel keeping of quiescence and alertness) among the three types of Seon Buddhist practices. The path promotes curing semi-consciousness with wisdom and subjective discrimination with meditation, corresponding to the concept of jeonghyessangsu (定慧雙修, joint cultivation of concentration and wisdom). Thus, the two phrases on the pedestal of the seventh Buddha sculpture at Magoksa Temple can be understood as referring to donojeomsu and jeonghyessangsu. Fig. 10-1. The Seventh Buddha (Shakyamuni) among the Wooden Seated Seven Buddhas at Magoksa Temple. H. 81.3 cm Fig. 10-2. Engravings on the middle shaft of the pedestal of the Seventh Buddha (Shakyamuni) among the Wooden Seated Seven Buddhas at Magoksa Temple. From left to right: “seongjeokdaechi” (惺寂對治, joint cultivation of concentration and wisdom), “pyeongdeungseongji” (平等性智, wisdom of equality), and “donjeomimun” (頓漸二門, sudden enlightenment and gradual cultivation) Jinul’s Excerpts from the Dharma Collection and Special Practice Record with Personal Notes was published several times during the Joseon Dynasty. It was so famous that it was quoted in Seonga Gwigam (禪家龜鑑, Models for Seon Practitioners) written in 1564 by Cheongheo Hyujeong (淸虛休靜, 1520–1604). Moreover, it served as a very important textbook for Sajipgwa (四集科), the second course in the Joseon monastic education system established in the seventeenth century. Daneung carved the foremost phrases from the Seon practices studied and mastered by monks of the time onto the pedestal of the Buddha sculpture. The precise centers of the four sides of the pedestal for the seventh Buddha at Magoksa Temple display carved inscriptions of the four wisdoms (智). From the right side in a clockwise direction (Fig. 11) appear “daewongyeongji” (大圓鏡智, the great perfect mirror wisdom), “pyeongdeungseongji” (平等性智, the wisdom of equality), “myogwanchalji” (妙觀察智, the wisdom of wondrous observation), and “seongsojakji” (成所作智, the wisdom of accomplishing that which is to be done). These four wisdoms refer to the Buddha’s four pure wisdoms expounded in the Yogacara (唯識, consciousness-only) from Buddhist epistemology. Given that the two phrases discussed above are Seon Buddhist concepts, the four wisdoms need to be examined from the perspective of Seon Buddhism as well. For example, in Liuzu fabaotan jing (六祖法寶壇經, The Dharma Jewel Platform Sutra of the Sixth Patriarch), which recorded the achievements and teachings of Huineng (慧能, 638–713), the sixth patriarch of Chan Buddhism and a founder of the Southern School of Chan Buddhism during the Tang (唐) Dynasty, Huineng briefly explained the four wisdoms from the perspective of Seon (Chan) Buddhism. The Dharma Jewel Platform Sutra of the Sixth Patriarch exerted considerable influence on the monk Jinul from the Goryeo Dynasty (918–1392) and on Buddhist circles during the Joseon Dynasty (1392–1897). In this light, it seems natural to understand the phases engraved on the pedestal made by Daneung as falling within the context of Seon Buddhism. Fig. 11. The placement of four wisdoms and eight trigrams on the middle shaft of the pedestal of the Seventh Buddha (Shakyamuni) among the Wooden Seated Seven Buddhas at Magoksa Temple As discussed above, I have analyzed elements of Pure Land Buddhism and Seon Buddhism found in the Wooden Amitabha Buddha Altarpiece at Yongmunsa Temple and explored their meanings. These elements show the fusion of Pure Land Buddhism and Seon Buddhism. Cheongheo Hyujeong (淸虛休靜, 1520–1604), a high priest who suggested a direction for late Joseon Buddhism, advocated a synthetic practice of meditation, doctrinal learning, and recitation of the Buddha’s name as a path to reach enlightenment. Later, his disciple Pyeonyang Eongi (鞭羊彦機, 1581–1644) inherited this practice and further systemized it. Hyujeong also elucidated seonjeong ilchiron (禪淨一致論, a theory on the unity between Seon Buddhism and Pure Land Buddhism), insisting that meditation is like chanting the Buddha’s name, and that chanting the Buddha’s name is meditation. The yeombulseon (念佛禪) practice in Seon meditation of reciting the Buddha’s name that developed based on the theory of the unity between Seon Buddhism and Pure Land Buddhism became popular in late Joseon Buddhist circles. The creators of the Wooden Amitabha Buddha Altarpiece at Yongmunsa are thought to have merged elements of Seon and Pure Land beliefs into the work, taking into account these trends in faith and practice. The Utilization of Hexagram Images (卦象) from the Book of Changes 1. Eight Trigrams and Directions The full use of the symbol systems found in the Book of Changes, including the eight trigrams and sixty-four hexagrams, is another prominent feature of the Wooden Amitabha Buddha Altarpiece at Yongmunsa Temple. The Book of Changes entails a thinking system that describes the logic of the creation and the changes in nature and the human world through hexagrams composed of lines that are either yin (陰) or yang (陽). It is originally an ancient Chinese scripture unrelated to Buddhism. However, it both exerted an influence on and was influenced by Buddhism over the centuries in East Asia, and eventually came to be interwoven with Buddhism. The Wooden Amitabha Buddha Altarpiece at Yongmunsa Temple is an apt example of the interaction between Buddhism and the Book of Changes. The borders of the mandorla for the main Amitabha Buddha in the center of the Wooden Amitabha Buddha Altarpiece at Yongmunsa Temple are engraved with eight trigrams, or soseonggwae (小成卦), each consisting of three lines. Each of the four edges of the wooden frame of this altarpiece is carved with three hexagrams from among the sixty-four hexagrams (or daeseonggwae [大成卦]), with each hexagram consisting of six lines. The eight soseonggwae on the mandorla indicate space (directions), and the twelve daeseonggwae on the wooden frame symbolize time. The eight soseonggwae trigrams on the mandorla of the main Buddha in the center of the Wooden Amitabha Buddha Altarpiece at Yongmunsa Temple are li (☲), gon (☷), tae (☱), geon (☰), gam (☵), gan (☶), jin (☳), and son (☴), which are read clockwise from the lower left (Fig. 12). Each of these trigrams is associated with an element from nature: li (fire), gon (earth), tae (lake), geon (heaven), gam (water), gan (mountain), jin (thunder), and son (wind). When they are placed in a certain order, they also serve as symbols indicating directions. The diagram of the Later Heaven (後天) or King Wen (文王) eight trigrams included in Zhouyi benyi (周易本義, Original Meaning of the Book of Changes) compiled by Zhu Xi (朱熹, 1130–1200) during the Song (宋) Dynasty consists of jin (east), son (southeast), li (south), gon (southwest), tae (west), geon (northwest), gam (north), and gan (northeast) (Fig. 13). This diagram was widely used as a directional system across East Asia, including in Joseon Dynasty Korea. The eight trigrams on the mandorla of the main Buddha Amitabha in the center of the Wooden Amitabha Buddha Altarpiece at Yongmunsa Temple exactly match the eight directions based on the diagram of the Later Heaven eight trigrams. Fig. 12-1. Main Buddha and mandorla of the Wooden Amitabha Buddha Altarpiece at Yongmunsa Temple Fig. 12-2. The placement of eight trigrams and taegeuk on the mandorla of the Main Buddha of Wooden Amitabha Buddha Altarpiece at Yongmunsa Temple Fig. 13. King Wen (or Later Heaven) Eight Trigrams *reversed Three years before the production of the Wooden Amitabha Buddha Altarpiece at Yongmunsa Temple, Daneung attempted to express eight trigrams on the pedestal of one of the Wooden Seated Seven Buddhas at Magoksa Temple in Gongju. At the four corners of the middle shaft of the pedestal of the seventh Buddha, gon (☷), geon (☰), li (☲), and son (☴) are engraved from the southwest corner in a clockwise direction (Fig. 11). Among these four, three of them (gon [southwest], geon [northwest], and son [southeast]) correspond to the directions in the diagram of the Later Heaven eight trigrams. Li, originally referring to south, is not supposed to be placed in the northeast. Gan (☶) should have been engraved here instead. While less than perfect in the Magoksa piece, the directional system of eight trigrams was accurately presented in the Wooden Amitabha Buddha Altarpiece at Yongmunsa Temple. It is also worth noting that the mandorla of the main Buddha in the Wooden Amitabha Buddha Altarpiece at Yongmunsa Temple is adorned with taegeuk (太極, supreme ultimate) emblems in addition to the directional expressions made through the eight trigrams. More specifically, two samtaegeuk emblems (, triune supreme ultimate) are depicted using line engravings in the upper section of the mandorla. This combination of taegeuk with the eight trigrams recalls the Diagram of Order of Eight Trigrams (八卦次序圖) from the Song Dynasty (Fig. 14). This diagram was based on the remark from the Xicizhuan Section (繫辭傳, Treatise on the Appended Remarks) in the Book of Changes that “There is taegeuk in the Changes; this generates the Two Modes (陰陽, Yin and Yang); the Two Modes generate the Four Forms (四象); the Four Forms generate the Eight Trigrams” (易有太極 是生兩儀 兩儀生四象 四象生八卦). The diagram underlies the ontology of Neo-Confucianism compiled by Zhu Xi. Although depicted at a small size, the eight trigrams indicating directions and the taegeuk symbolizing the origin of all things are presumed to have been arranged around the main Buddha to show that the Buddha and dharma (Buddhist law) is at the center of the cosmic order and principles. Fig. 14. Diagram of the Order of Eight Trigrams Unbong Seonsa simseongron (雲峰禪師心性論, Seon Master Unbong’s ‘Theory of Mind-Nature’) was written by a monk named Unbong Daeji (雲峰大智) in 1684, the year when the Wooden Amitabha Buddha Altarpiece at Yongmunsa Temple was created. It was published two years later in 1686. In it, Unbong repeatedly mentions the Book of Changes and develops his theory about the human mind and nature by employing elements from the Book of Changes, including non-polarity (無極), supreme ultimate, and yin and yang. He also repeatedly quotes the Yuseokjiruiron (儒釋質疑論, Probing the Doubts and Concerns between Confucianism and Buddhism), a book written in defense of Buddhism by an anonymous author in between the late fifteenth century and the early sixteenth century. For example, Unbong explains trikaya (三身, the three bodies of Buddha) by relating them to elements from the Book of Changes: Non-polarity is dharmakaya (法身, body of essence), yin-yang is sambhogakaya (報身, body of enjoyment), and the intermingling and interactions of inner energy and pulse is nirmanakaya (化身, body of transformation). He adds that nirmanakaya, particularly, has the nature of numbers (數) and combines twenty-four fortnight periods, nine palaces (九宮), and five phases (五行). The original text of Yuseokjiruiron mentions the twenty-four fortnight periods, the five phases, and the directions of the eight trigrams as the equivalent of nirmanakaya and features the complex Nine Palaces Diagram that combines them all (Fig. 15). One form of the theory on directions of the eight trigrams, this Nine Palaces Diagram is a mixture of yin-yang and the eight trigrams. Fig. 15. Nine Palaces, Five Phases, and Eight Trigrams from Yuseokjiruiron (Probing the Doubts and Concerns between Confucianism and Buddhism), vol. II *reversed However, Unbong’s theory is difficult to accept from the perspective of orthodox Buddhism. His theory gives the impression that he was working hard to cobble together Buddhist doctrine and changes studies from the Book of Changes. Despite this, discussion about the incorporation of the Book of Changes continued within Buddhist circles during the Joseon Dynasty. In this religious and scholarly atmosphere, the directional system of eight trigrams from the Book of Changes appears to have been accepted by the Buddhist community as common knowledge, particularly in the late Joseon Dynasty. Monk sculptors like Daneung are presumed to have embraced this knowledge system and applied it to their work. During the Joseon Dynasty, people were able to acquire knowledge about the directional system of eight trigrams through various routes other than by reading the Book of Changes. As a case in point, Sancai tuhui (三才圖會, Illustrated Compendium of the Three Fields of Knowledge) compiled in China by Wang Qi (王圻) in 1609 (during the Ming Dynasty [明]) contains a number of explanatory diagrams related to the Book of Changes, including a diagram of the Later Heaven eight trigrams discussed above. There is a strong possibility that monk artisans in seventeenth-century Korea were introduced to these visual materials that were circulating in Joseon society, became familiar with the directional system of the eight trigrams, and applied it to their work. 2. The Twelve Sosikgwae (消息卦, Waning and Waxing Hexagrams) and Time Perspective In this section of the paper, I will explain the meaning of the twelve among the sixty-four hexagrams (daeseonggwae) engraved on the frame of the Wooden Amitabha Buddha Altarpiece at Yongmunsa Temple (Fig. 16). These twelve hexagrams, three on each of the four edges of the frame are jungjigon (or gonwiji) (䷁), sanjibak (䷖), and pungjigwan (䷓) from left to right on the top edge; cheonjibi (䷋), noecheondaejang (䷡), and taekcheonkwae (䷪) from top to bottom on the right edge; jungcheongeon (or geonwicheon) (䷀), cheonpunggu (䷫), and cheonsandun (䷠) from right to left on the bottom edge; and cheonjibi (䷋), jitaeklim (䷒), and jiroebok (䷗) from bottom to top on the left edge. Fig. 16. The placement of twelve from among the sixty-four hexagrams on the frame of the Wooden Amitabha Buddha Altarpiece at Yongmunsa Temple These twelve hexagrams can be compared to another set of twelve hexagrams engraved on the frame of the Wooden Amitabha Buddha Altarpiece at Daeseungsa Temple in Mungyeong, which is presumed to have been produced by Daneung in 1675 (Fig. 17). These hexagrams are intended to show twelve sosikgwae (消息卦, waning and waxing hexagrams) that represent changes in the appearance of the moon. Fig. 17. The placement of twelve from among the sixty-four hexagrams on the frame of Wooden Amitabha Buddha Altarpiece at Daeseungsa Temple The twelve sosikgwae are also called the twelve byeokgwae (辟卦). They are not an invention from the Zhou Dynasty Book of Changes, but were created in the Western Han (西漢) Dynasty around the first century BCE. The principle purpose of the twelve sosikgwae is to explain the flow of time and of the seasons through consecutive changes in the hexagrams followed by extinction and growth of yin and yang. Later on, the twelve sosikgwae were widely used to explain the mathematical theory found in the studies of changes (易學). The figures of these twelve sosikgwae hexagrams are formed as follows (Fig. 18). Jiroebok (䷗) signals the activation of the yang cosmic force with the addition of a straight yang line (—) at the bottom and corresponds to the eleventh lunar month. Jitaeklim (䷒) corresponds to the twelfth lunar month and has two bottom straight yang lines, while jicheontae (䷊) denotes the first lunar month and has three bottom straight yang lines. These three hexagrams make up winter. The yang cosmic force gradually increases as the straight yang lines compile one by one. Continuing in this manner, noecheondaejang (䷡) signifies the second lunar month, and taekcheonkwae (䷪) represents the third month. Jungcheongeon (䷀) denotes the fourth lunar month and consists of six straight yang lines, so it is brimming with yang cosmic force. These three hexagons make up spring. Starting from cheonpunggu (䷫), corresponding to the fifth lunar month, the yin cosmic force begins to increase with a pair of broken yin lines (‒ ‒) replacing a straight yang line from the bottom to the top. Cheonpunggu, which has two broken lines, cheonsandun (䷠), denoting the sixth lunar month with four broken lines, and cheonjibi (䷋), signifying the seventh lunar month with six broken lines, together make up summer. A pair of broken yin lines continues to be added to form pungjigwan (䷓), meaning the eighth lunar month, sanjibak (䷖), indicating the ninth lunar month, and jungjigon (䷁), which is full of yin cosmic force and represents the tenth lunar month. These three hexagons form autumn. These twelve hexagrams corresponding to the twelve months constantly circulate in a clockwise direction. Fig. 18. Diagram of the Principle of the Twelve Sosikgwae (or Byeokgwae) In Korea, the twelve sosikgwae hexagrams were included in Yeokhak doseol (易學圖說, Illustrated Explanation of Changes Studies) by Jang Hyeongwang (張顯光, 1554–1637), a Neo-Confucian scholar of the mid- and late Joseon Dynasty (Fig. 19). This book is significant in that it provides a comprehensive sourcebook containing all of the diagrams related to the Book of Changes up to that point. It was completed in 1608 and published in 1645. The distribution of this book appears to have resulted in the spread of the diagrams related to the Book of Changes in Joseon society. Fig. 19. Diagram of the Twelve Byeokgwae. Yeokhak doseol (Illustrated Explanation of Changes Studies) by Jang Hyeongwang Figure 20 shows a rearrangement of the twelve sosikgwae hexagrams in a rectangular frame for comparison with the twelve hexagrams engraved in the Wooden Amitabha Buddha Altarpieces at Yongmunsa and Daeseungsa Temples. Most of the hexagrams in the Wooden Amitabha Buddha Altarpiece at Daeseungsa, are set similarly to the twelve sosikgwae hexagrams, but there are differences as well (Fig. 17). For example, at the starting point in the middle of the upper frame, salloei (䷚) is carved instead of jiroebok (䷗) (denoting the eleventh lunar month). In a clockwise direction, the next hexagram carved in the Daeseungsa altarpiece is pungtaekjungbu (䷼) rather than jitaeklim (䷒) (signifying the twelfth lunar month). After the next one, noesansogwa (䷽) is carved instead of noecheondaejang (䷡) (corresponding to the second lunar month). Thus, the hexagrams on this altarpiece are inconsistent. The Wooden Amitabha Buddha Altarpiece at Daeseungsa Temple presumably made by Daneung in 1675 is believed to have originally been intended to express the twelve sosikgwae hexagrams, but errors in their arrangement seem to have occurred. Fig. 20. Twelve sosikgwae rearranged in a rectangular form Interestingly, Daneung engraved hexagrams similar to the twelve sosikgwae on the railings above the pedestals of the first and seventh Buddha among the Wooden Seated Seven Buddhas from 1681 at Magoksa Temple. The rear railings for the first Buddha (Fig. 21) have been lost, but the four front sides still bear hexagons indicating noecheondaejang (䷡) (the second lunar month), jungcheongeon (䷀) (the fourth lunar month), cheonsandun (䷠) (the sixth lunar month), and cheonjibi (䷋) (the seventh lunar month) from the right in a clockwise direction. This arrangement of hexagons reveals an imperfection in terms of temporal continuity, as demonstrated by the lack of taekcheonkwae (䷪) (the third lunar month)and cheonpunggu (the fifth lunar month). On the other hand, the railings of the pedestal for the seventh Buddha (Fig. 22) show a temporal flow starting from jungcheongeon (䷀) (the fourth lunar month) on the far-right of the full-front side to cheonjibi (䷋) (the seventh lunar month) in a clockwise direction. Moreover, another group of hexagrams are presented following the flow of time from pungjigwan (䷓) (the eighth lunar month) on the right-rear side to jitaeklim (䷒) (the twelfth lunar month) on the left-middle side in a counterclockwise direction. Despite some consistency, the seventh Buddha at Magoksa fails to describe the twelve sosikgwae accurately since jungcheongeon (䷀) (the fourth lunar month), cheonjibi (䷋) (the seventh lunar month), and noecheondaejang (䷡) (the second lunar month) are engraved on the three remaining sides of its railings in a disorderly manner. Fig. 21. The placement of hexagrams on the pedestal of the First Buddha (Vipassi) among the Wooden Seated Seven Buddhas at Magoksa Temple Fig. 22. The placement of hexagrams on the pedestal of the Seventh Buddha (Shakyamuni) among the Wooden Seated Seven Buddhas at Magoksa Temple The hexagrams on the Wooden Amitabha Buddha Altarpiece at Yongmunsa Temple, which was produced three years after the Wooden Seated Seven Buddhas at Magoksa Temple, are arranged similarly to those in the seventh Buddha among the Magoksa Seven Buddhas, but with a greater degree of accuracy (Fig. 23). The hexagrams on the Yongmunsa altarpiece can largely be divided into two flows. One of them consists of six hexagrams representing the cycle of months from the second lunar month through the seventh lunar month. They start with noecheondaejang (䷡) (the second lunar month) in the middle of the right edge of the frame, progress clockwise, and end with cheonjibi (䷋) (the seventh lunar month) in the lower section of the left edge of the frame. The other flow also has six hexagrams. These show the advance of the months from the seventh through the twelfth in a counterclockwise direction starting from cheonjibi (䷋) (the seventh lunar month) in the upper section of the left edge of the frame and ending with jitaeklim (䷒) (the twelfth lunar month) in the middle of the left edge of the frame. This arrangement does not perfectly match that of the twelve sosikgwae hexagrams. Nevertheless, compared to the placement of hexagrams on the pedestal railings for the Buddhas at Magoksa Temple, it is closer to the original version and more logical. Therefore, this arrangement was possibly intended from the outset of the production of the Yongmunsa altarpiece. Fig. 23. Diagram of the two flows of the twelve from among the sixty-four hexagrams on the frame of the Wooden Amitabha Buddha Altarpiece at Yongmunsa Temple It is noteworthy that cheonjibi (䷋) (corresponding to the seventh lunar month) appears twice. This twofold composition indicates that one cycle of months ends in the seventh lunar month and the other begins in the same month. The person who designed this placement of the twelve hexagrams appears to have considered the seventh lunar month to be a critical junction for something or attributed some special meaning to it. While the Wooden Amitabha Buddha Altarpiece at Yongmunsa Temple is presumed to have consulted the preexisting twelve sosikgwae, it constructed its own timeframe by transforming them from a Buddhist perspective. Neo-Confucianism became the ruling ideology of the state during the Joseon Dynasty and Buddhism was deemphasized. In response to this shift in the dominant ideology, Buddhist circles emphasized how Buddhism also conformed to the concepts of loyalty and filial piety and made contributions to society. Ideologically, they pursued coexistence with Confucianism by asserting a harmony or accord between the two thought systems. In order to secure a foundation for the continued existence of Buddhism, even if under a disadvantages monks argued for the connection between Confucianism and Buddhism. They also studied Neo-Confucian thinking and were open to related knowledge. They took great interest in the Book of Changes since it explicates not an absolute truth, but an endless process of change. Monks at the time appear to have felt familiar with this concept from the Book of Changes since it was similar to the teaching of impermanence (無常, K. musang) in Buddhism. Late Joseon monks quoted the Book of Changes as a metaphorical subject to justify the production of Buddhist images. As a case in point, Baekam Seongchong (栢庵性聰, 1631–1700) explained in his writing a reason for making an image (像) of Buddha by alluding to the teachings in the Book of Changes, as follows: “I have heard that the teachings of the Book of Changes lie in creating images (像) at all costs and grasping their meanings, and that the profound meanings of the Book of Changes lie in forgetting images at all costs and brightening minds. Since meaning cannot be grasped without creating images and minds cannot be brightened without forgetting images, nothing goes in except by images and nothing can be gained by not forgetting them. This is in line with the enshrinement of Buddhist sculptures in our Buddhism.” (Emphasis by the Author) Baekam Seongchong took the theory from the Book of Changes that after creating images and symbolic signs and grasping their meanings, one should forget the images (得意忘象論) and equated it to the Buddhist theory that one can reach the truth through the production of Buddhist images (造像方便論). In the studies of changes, “images” (象), that is, hexagram images, were considered to be convenient signs indicating the operating principle of the world. Thus, hexagrams themselves were not taken as the ultimate goals. In a similar vein, “images” (象) in Buddhism, that is, images of the Buddha, were not a true form of the Buddha, but served as a means to better understand his true form since they resembled the deity. In this way, the production of Buddhist images could be justified. Joseon-era monks advocated the parallel logic that both the images in the Book of Changes and those in Buddhism served as a medium for approaching an ultimate truth. By doing so, they strove to assign a religious authority to Buddhism equivalent to that of Confucianism. The creators of the Wooden Amitabha Buddha Altarpiece at Yongmunsa Temple fully used hexagram images from the Book of Changes due to the utility of their symbolic system. The Buddhist worldview highlights infinitely expanding time and space. Surprisingly, simple and clear symbol systems that easily visualize this worldview are scarce in Buddhist art. In other words, any tradition of presenting temporal and spatial infinity with no beginning or end using intuitive symbols was relatively weak in Buddhism. On the other hand, the Book of Changes had an advantage in that the concept of time and space was visually illustrated through a schematic symbolic system of mathematically well-organized hexagram images. It seems natural that the producers of the Wooden Amitabha Buddha Altarpiece at Yongmunsa Temple would have been attracted by these functional elements in the Book of Changes. The creators presumably applied a symbolic system to Buddhist art that the people of the time could easily understand. The establishment of a temporal and spatial stage in the Wooden Amitabha Buddha Altarpiece at Yongmunsa Temple by applying hexagrams from the Book of Changes, a major Confucian scripture, meant that Buddhist circles at the time were actively embracing Confucian elements. It also demonstrated the receptivity and expandability of Buddhist art. However, it is not the case that Buddhist art unilaterally welcomed external elements. It is important to note that Buddhist art added its own alternations to these external elements, based on Buddhist perspectives. It is unknown, however, whether leading monks, like Soyeong Singyeong, who supervised the production of the Wooden Amitabha Buddha Altarpiece at Yongmunsa, intended this acceptance and alternations or if the monk sculptor Daneung, who applied diverse iterations of hexagram images from the Book of Change in several Buddhist projects over the course of a decade, did so. Nonetheless, I propose considering all these as possible, taking into account the importance of the roles of monk sculptors in the production of Buddhist sculptures. Conclusion In this paper, I have explored the monk sculptor Daneung and the symbolism found in the Wooden Amitabha Buddha Altarpiece at Yongmunsa Temple. Daneung was a remarkable monk artisan who actively engaged in producing Buddhist sculptures across several regions for over fifty years from the mid-seventeenth century through the early eighteenth century. The 1680s were his most prolific period and are considered his heyday. The Wooden Amitabha Buddha Altarpiece at Yongmunsa Temple that has been discussed in this paper was created in the 1680s and is considered a prime example of late Joseon Buddhist art marked by artistic creativity and a high level of accomplishment. Of note in the Wooden Amitabha Buddha Altarpiece at Yongmunsa Temple are its various symbolic elements. First, Buddhist symbolic elements are divided largely into Pure Land Buddhist and Seon Buddhist elements. The elements of Pure Land Buddhism are presented literally through the depictions of nine grades of rebirth in the lower section of the altarpiece and through the phrases in a gatha (verse in poetic form) format engraved on the left and right edges of the frame. Similar depictions of the nine grades of rebirth can be observed in the Wooden Amitabha Buddha Altarpiece at Gyeongguksa Temple created by Daneung in 1684 and another work of his from 1689, the mandorla of the Wooden Seated Amitabha Buddha at Seonseoksa Temple in Seongju, Gyeongsangbuk-do Province. These examples suggest characteristics of Daneung’s expressive modes for Pure Land faith and his religious inclinations. Regarding the elements from Seon Buddhism, the word “myeongsim” (明心) carved in the center of the bottom edge of the frame is highly emblematic. This term epitomizes the gist of Seon Buddhism that finding the Buddha nature (佛性) inherent in one’s own mind is enlightenment. When creating the pedestal of the seventh Buddha among the Wooden Seated Seven Buddhas at Magoksa Temple in 1681, Daneung provided his views on the Buddhist practices valued by Seon Buddhism by engraving phrases of Seon practices that the National Preceptor Bojo Jinul had coined, including “donjeomimun” (頓漸二門), meaning sudden enlightenment (dono) and gradual cultivation (jeomsu), and “seongjeokdaechi” (惺寂對治), referring to the joint cultivation of concentration and wisdom (jeonghyessangsu). The word “myeongsim” in the Yongmunsa altarpiece can be understood in this context. The religious and ideological background underlying the inclusion of elements of Pure Land Buddhism and Seon Buddhism in the Yongmunsa altarpiece was based on seonjeong ilchiron (禪淨一致論, a theory on the unity between Seon Buddhism and Pure Land Buddhism). Under the influence of this theory, many monks in the late Joseon Dynasty engaged in the Seon meditation yeombulseon (念佛禪) practice of reciting the Buddha’s name. Internalizing this trend in faith and practice, the creators of the Yongmunsa altarpiece naturally infused elements of both Pure Land Buddhism and Seon Buddhism into the work. Another distinctive feature of the Wooden Amitabha Buddha Altarpiece at Yongmunsa Temple is the engraved hexagram images (卦象) from the Book of Changes, which was a thinking system from ancient China and a primary scripture of Confucianism. The borders of the mandorla of the main Buddha in the Yongmunsa altarpiece are marked with spatial directions using the eight trigrams from the diagram of the Later Heaven eight trigrams established by Neo-Confucianists. In combination with the taegeuk, the eight trigrams indicated that the Buddha and dharma are settled at the center of the cosmic order and principles. The frame of the Wooden Amitabha Buddha Altarpiece at Yongmunsa Temple is engraved with twelve from among the sixty-four hexagrams in order to display a perspective on time. Here, the twelve sosikgwae (消息卦) symbolizing the passage and circulation of time based on changes in hexagrams according to the waning and expansion of yin and yang cosmic forces is applied. Daneung made similar attempts to carve the twelve sosikgwae into the Wooden Amitabha Buddha Altarpiece at Daeseungsa Temple in Mungyeong from 1675 and the pedestals of the first and seventh Buddhas from the Wooden Seated Seven Buddhas at Magoksa Temple from 1681. However, these two earlier works are partially in error or show imperfect compositions. Applying the principle of the twelve sosikgwae hexagrams, the Yongmunsa altarpiece displays a more perfect manifestation of a time system. The use of hexagram images from the Book of Changes in Joseon-era Buddhist art carries historical significance. With Neo-Confucianism adopted as the dominant ideology of the state during the Joseon Dynasty, monks promoted a harmony and accord between Confucianism and Buddhism as a response to the policy of suppressing Buddhism. They also sought breakthroughs by studying Confucian learning, including the Book of Changes, and communicating with other religious groups. Joseon-era monks strove to obtain religious authority equivalent to that of Confucianism by drawing upon a theory on images from the Book of Changes in order to justify the production of Buddhist images. Moreover, they adopted hexagrams from the Book of Changes that described in simple terms the concept of infinite time and space as a schematized symbolic system for Buddhist art. Such endeavors demonstrate the open nature and expandability of Buddhist art. However, Buddhist art did not embrace external elements unconditionally. It added its own iterations reflecting Buddhist concepts, as shown in the case of the Wooden Amitabha Buddha Altarpiece at Yongmunsa Temple that transfigured the twelve sosikgwae hexagrams. With the roles of producers like the monk sculptor Daneung taken into account, determining the main agent for the absorption and transfiguration of external elements into Joseon-era Buddhism remains open to many possibilities.

The creation of Buddhist sculptures through schools of monk sculptors during the latter half of the Joseon Dynasty (1392-1910) was a method by which a statue was made under the lead of a head monk sculptor with several assistant monk sculptors, each responsible for a specific duty. Monk-sculptor schools, or yupa (流派), generally had a vertical hierarchy from the head down to the lowest monk sculptor, and it is thought they had two functions—training and the production of Buddhist statues. Collaborative work between schools that involved the participation of key monk sculptors from each faction was not common, except for very large-scale projects that required members from many different schools. Within the above mentioned system of producing Buddhist sculptures during the late Joseon Dynasty, the practice of “ghost-sculpting” (代作, K. daejak) emerged in two forms or contexts. The first form involved a deputy monk sculptor performing the work of a head monk sculptor (sujogakseung) in the same school. The second form or context involved assistant monk sculptors of a particular school working with a head monk sculptor outside their school. The first form usually occurred when a changeover in the head position was imminent, so the next head monk sculptor took charge of the work in place of the current head monk sculptor. In records, the current head was still nominally in charge of the monk sculptor school, but the style of the next head sculptor dominated, bringing changes in stylistic features and in the composition of sculptors performing the work. The second form of “ghost-sculpting” happened when a monk sculptor who left his school to work independently took on assistants belonging to another school to produce a statue. In this case, the characteristics of the head sculptor’s style were almost non-apparent; rather, the style was determined by the school to which the assistants belonged, and nominally the finished sculpture was said to be the work of the school of the assistant sculptors rather than the head sculptor. Creating Buddhist sculptures using the “ghost-sculpting” approach or sculpting in another person’s name emerged during the late Joseon Dynasty within the distinctive Buddhist sculpture production system of the time. It was not something that occurred across all schools. However, the practice of “ghost-sculpting” should be noted as an important example in studying the varied ways Buddhist sculptures were produced during that period. “Ghost-sculpting” within the Same School It is presumed that “ghost-sculpting” within the same school of monk sculptors occurred during the transition from the current head of the school to the next head. Although the elderly head monk sculptor was nominally recorded as the head sculptor, the deputy head—soon to be the head—was the one who took the lead in creating the sculptures. Many schools of monk sculptors are thought to have worked in this way, and this article will examine the practice of “ghost-sculpting” through the cases of the Muyeom School (無染派) and the Unhye School (雲惠派). Muyeom and Haesim of the Muyeom School The Muyeom School was a group of monk sculptors active in Jeolla-do Province with Muyeom (無染), Dou (道祐), and Haesim (海心) as the main figures. It is thought that the school formed between the latter half of the 1620s at the earliest and the early 1630s at the latest. The school produced Buddhist statues with Muyeom taking the central role during the first half of the seventeenth century, and with Haesim as the central figure during the mid- and latter half of the seventeenth century. The changeover from Muyeom to Haesim as head monk sculptors occurred in the first half of the 1650s, and the Wooden Seated Amitabha Triad and the Wooden Seated Ksitigarbha and Ten Kings of Hell at Sinheungsa Temple in Sokcho, dating to 1651, were likely produced during this time of transition through the “ghost-sculpting” method. The balwonmun (發願文, votive text or record of the patron’s wishes) for the Ksitigarbha statue states that it was produced by Muyeom, Dou, and others. However, the physique, face, and garments of the statue reflect the stylistic characteristics of Haesim, another disciple of Muyeom, which suggests that it was made under the lead of Haesim (Song Unsok 2007a). The first research paper to introduce and study the image and its votive text, while mentioning that the name of the third-highest monk sculptor in the Muyeom School cannot be detected on the sculpture, deduced Haesim’s participation in the project by relying solely on analysis of the style. In recent reports, however, Haesim’s name has been deciphered on the statue, which has enabled more direct discussion of Haesim’s role in its creation (Moon Myungdae et al. 2009). Unlike the earlier sculptures crafted by Muyeom, such as the Wooden Seated Buddhas of the Three Directions at Bulgapsa Temple in Yeonggwang (1635) and the Wooden Seated Vairocana Bodhisattva of Biraesa Temple in Daejeon (1650), which have a narrow lower body, long upper body, and wide face with angled chin, the sculptures inside the Myeongbujeon (Hall of Judgement) and the Geungnakjeon (Hall of Paradise) at Sinheungsa Temple have a wide lower body and long faces (Figs. 1 and 2). Moreover, the folds of the robes on the Sinheungsa sculptures show schematic wrinkles centering on symmetrically raised lines on the left and right sides without any engraved or raised lines inside the wide folds, unlike the drapery on the statue of Vairocana Buddha at Biraesa Temple. However, similar to both the Biraesa Temple and the Bulgapsa Temple sculptures, the Sinheungsa Temple sculptures have noses jutting straight out from the base of the forehead and ears with a question mark-shaped external ear canal (triangular fossa), therefore partially showing features of Muyeom’s style (Fig. 3). In expression, the characteristics of the Sinheungsa Temple sculptures are almost the same as those seen on the only extant sculpture made by Haesim as head monk sculptor, the Wooden Seated Ksitigarbha Bodhisattva at Munsusa Temple in Gochang, dating to 1653.1 The volume of the cheeks, chin and eyelids is well defined, and the way the nose juts out straight from the base of the forehead and the question mark-shaped external ear canal are features seen on the sculptures that Muyeom made and those at Sinheungsa Temple (Figs. 3d, 1, and 4). However, compared to Muyeom’s statues, which have a narrow lower body compared to the upper body and hence lack a sense of stability, the Ksitigarbha statue at Munsusa Temple has a wide, thick space between the knees that looks very stable, while the chin is comparatively long and rounded. This type of face and bodily proportions are almost the same as those expressed on the Amitabha and Ksitigarbha statues at Sinheungsa Temple. In addition, the folds of the robes are carved to fall over the legs in almost parallel lines, symmetrical on the left and right. The wide folds have no depth and no engraved or raised lines inside them, similar to those on the Sinheungsa Temple statues. As such, the features of the Munsusa Temple sculptures that differ from the existing sculptures made by Muyeom can all be seen in the Sinheungsa Temple sculptures. Consequently, the Mususa and Sinheungsa sculptures can be considered stylistically the same, indicating the high likelihood that Haesim, who made the Munsusa sculptures, was responsible for the Sinheungsa sculptures as well. In the first half of the 1650s, when Muyeom was on the verge of retirement as head monk sculptor of the Muyeom School, it was very likely that Haesim was slated to be the next head sculptor and took charge of producing the statues for Sinhuengsa Temple. This is one example of the “ghost-sculpting” method in Buddhist sculpture practice. Fig. 1. Wooden Seated Vairocana Buddha by Muyeom. Joseon, 1650. Gilded wood. H. 81.5 cm, Width between knees: 77.3 cm. Daejeokgwangjeon at Biraesa Temple, Daejeon Fig. 2. Wooden Seated Ksitigarbha Bodhisattva by Muyeom (presumed Haesim). Joseon, 1651. Gilded wood. H. 99.0 cm, Width between knees: 75.0 cm. Myeongbujeon at Sinheungsa Temple, Sokcho Fig. 3. Comparison of the faces of statues by the Muyeom School Fig. 4. Wooden Seated Ksitigarbha Bodhisattva by Haesim. Joseon, 1653. H. 84.0 cm, Width between knees: 64.0 cm. Myeonbujeon at Munsusa Temple, Gochang Unhye and Gyeongrim of the Unhye School Unhye (雲惠) was a monk sculptor who was active during the mid- to late seventeenth century, the successor to the Suyeon School (守衍派), which was active in the provinces of Jeolla-do and Chungcheong-do during the first half of the seventeenth century. The Suyeon School was formed in the first half of the seventeenth century with Suyeon (守衍) as a head sculptor, and Yeongcheol (靈哲) and Unhye as the main assistant sculptors. When Unhye became head monk sculptor, following Suyeon and Yeongcheol, he formed the Unhye School with assistant sculptors such as Gyeongrim (敬林). The Unhye School was the most active group of monk sculptors during the mid- and late seventeenth century. Gyeongrim, the deputy monk sculptor who had trained under Unhye and was the most skilled artisan in the group, led the school in place of Unhye from the latter half of the 1660s. In the 1670s, he officially became a head monk sculptor, carrying on the lineage of the Suyeon School and Unhye School. Unhye served as a head monk sculptor from 1650 to 1680 and made sculptures for Seodongsa Temple in Haenam, Ssangbongsa Temple in Hwasun, Dorimsa Temple in Gokseong, Baengnyeonsa Temple in Gangjin, and Donghwasa Temple in Suncheon. The earliest record of Unhye is found in the votive text that was enshrined in the Wooden Seated Ksitigarbha and Ten Kings of Hell sculpture produced in the ninth month of 1649, originally enshrined at Gangseosa Temple in Baecheon, Hwanghae-do Province, and currently in Myeongbujeon at Hwagyesa Temple in Seoul. The votive text confirms that, at the time, Unhye was the fourth highest of the twelve monk sculptors including the head monk sculptor Yeongcheol. Unhye later succeeded the school and served as the head sculptor for thirty years, producing statues such as the Buddhas of the Three Directions at Seodongsa Temple in Haenam in 1650 and statues of Avalokitesvara and Mahasthamaprapta bodhisattvas for Dorimsa Temple in Gokseong in 1680. The Wooden Amitabha Buddha at Dorimsa Temple in Gokseong, dating to 1665, and the Wooden Avalokitesvara and Mahasthamaprapta bodhisattvas at the same temple, dating to 1680, are both works from the latter half of Unhye’s active years as a sculptor that are believed to be products of the “ghost-sculpting” method (Figs. 5 and 6). Although the votive text says that the Amitabha triad was made by the head sculptor Unhye in conjunction with the deputy sculptor Gyeongrim and other assistant sculptors,2 this author believes the sculpture was made under the lead of Gyeongrim rather than Unhye (Choi Sunil 2004; Song Unsok 2010). The main reason is the fact that these three statues at Dorimsa Temple are different in style from the Ksitigarbha statue of Ssangbongsa Temple in Hwasun (Fig. 7), created by Unhye in 1667. Timewise, the Ksitigarbha statue falls between the statue of Amitabha made in 1665 and the two attendant bodhisattvas made in 1680. The Dorimsa Temple triad shows greater similarities to the Amitabha Triad at Dalseongsa Temple in Mokpo (Fig. 8), made by Gyeongrim in 1678. It was common for the style of later Joseon period sculptors to change over time, but there is no example of a sculptor’s style changing within a short two-year period—for example, between the Dorimsa Temple Amitabha statue in 1665 and the Ssangbongsa Temple Ksitigarbha statue in 1667—and then changing back again to the original style. Fig. 5. Wooden Seated Amitabha Buddha by Unhye (presumed Gyeongrim). Joseon, 1665. H. 126.0 cm, Width between knees: 82.7 cm. Myeonbujeon at Munsusa Temple, Gochang Fig. 6. Wooden Seated Avalokitesvara Bodhisattva by Unhye (presumed Gyeongrim) Joseon, 1680. H. 116.0 cm, Width between knees: 75.3 cm. Bogwangjeon at Dorimsa Temple, Gokseong Fig. 7. Wooden Seated Ksitigarbha Bodhisattva by Unhye. Joseon, c. 1667 H. 106.0 cm, Width between knees: 73.0 cm. Jijangjeon at Ssangbongsa Temple, Hwasun Fig. 8. Wooden Seated Amitabha Buddha by Gyeongrim. Joseon, 1678. H. 125.5 cm, Width between knees: 78.8 cm. Geungnakbojeon at Dalseongsa Temple, Mokpo Compared to Unhye’s other sculptures made in the 1660s, the statues of Amitabha and the two bodhisattvas at Dorimsa Temple have thin bodies, narrow faces, and simple drapery. Their appearance is, therefore, rather different from the strong physique and broad faces seen on the 1661 Buddhist statue at Wolgyesa Temple on Jeju and the 1667 Ksitigarbha statue at Ssangbongsa Temple (Fig. 7). Such differences are seen not only in the body and the face but also the ears (where differences in sculptural style are easily distinguished). Unlike the Seodongsa Temple statues made in 1650, the Wolgyesa Temple statue made in 1661 and the Ksitigarbha statue at Ssangbongsa Temple made in 1667, which all have the external canal of the ears expressed as a short line, the Buddha and bodhisattvas of Dorimsa Temple made in 1665 and 1680 respectively have ears with the external canal expressed as a very long line (Fig. 9). The external ear canal on the Amitabha Triad statues in Dalseongsa Temple, made by Gyeongrim in 1678, were carved in the same exact style (Fig. 9). Fig. 9. Comparison of the ears on statues by Unhye and Gyeongrim The fact that the sculptural style of the Dorimsa Temple’s Amitabha triad is more similar to the Dalseongsa Temple’s triad made by Gyeongrim than the Ksitigarbha statue of Ssangbongsa Temple suggests that the deputy monk sculptor Gyeongrim played a greater role in the production of the Dorimsa Temple triad than the head monk sculptor Unhye. It seems natural to interpret the similarity of the 1665 Amitabha statue and the 1680 statues of the bodhisattvas Avalokitesvara and Mahasthamaprapta (with the Ksitigarbha statue of Ssangbongsa Temple made during the time in between in 1667) not as a change in Unhye’s style but rather the manifestation of another sculptor’s style. The appearance of the overall physique, the face, and the ears on the Dorimsa Temple statues of Amitabha (1665), Avalokitesvara bodhisattva and Mahasthamaprapta bodhisattva (1680) show greater similarity with the Amitabha Triad in Dalseongsa Temple (1678) than the Ksitigarbha statue in Ssangbongsa Temple (1667). As such, it is likely that the Dorimsa Temple statues were made under the lead of Gyeongrim rather than Unhye. Therefore, this example constitutes a case of “ghost-sculpting” within the same school of monk sculptors. “Ghost-sculpting” in Collaborative Projects Between Different Schools Collaboration on projects between different schools took two forms: the head monk sculptors of different schools working together with their assistant sculptors, or a sculptor monk who had left his school to work independently taking in assistants belonging to another school of sculptor monks (Song Unsok 2008). In the latter form of collaboration, the resulting sculptures reflected the style of the head sculptor (or his school) in a minimal way and mostly manifested the style of the assistant sculptors (and their school).Therefore, this form of collaboration can be placed in the category of “ghost-sculpting.” The two monk sculptors Cheongheo (淸虛) and Dou, who will be discussed below, trained in the Wono School (元悟派) and Muyeom School, respectively, in their assistant sculptor days. After becoming independent head monk sculptors, however, they worked on projects not with assistant sculptors from their own schools, but from the Cheongheon School (淸憲派) and Huijang School (熙藏派), respectively. This type of joint work veers from the tradition of saja sangseung (師資相承), which refers to a direct transmission of skills from a master to his disciple, a common practice during the late Joseon Dynasty where training took place in the process of creating a sculpture. Cheongheo and Monk Sculptors of the Cheongheon School The monk sculptor Cheongheo was active for forty years, from 1605 to 1645. Between 1605 and 1614, he participated in many Buddhist projects with the Wono School as an assistant sculptor under Wono (元悟) and Gakmin (覺敏). He worked under Wono on the Wooden Seated Buddhas of the Three Directions at Ssanggyesa Temple in Nonsan (1605) and the Wooden Seated Ksitigarbha and the Ten Kings of Hell at Seonwonsa Temple in Namwon (1610). Then, under Gakmin, a disciple of Wono, he worked on projects such as the Wooden Seated Vairocana Triad at Songgwangsa Temple in Suncheon (1614) (Choe 2009; Mun 2011; Jeong 2012; Choe 2013). It is presumed that Cheongheo belonged to the Wono School as there are no records showing that he took part in making sculptures with any other school (Song Unsok 2013). However, for three of the sculptures that Cheongheo created as a head monk sculptor during the 1640s, his assistant monk sculptors came not from the Wono School, but from the Cheongheon School. In other words, the monks who worked as assistant sculptors were not members of the Wono School and disciples of Cheongheo, such as Sinhyeon (信玄) and Sinil (神釰), but rather the disciples of Cheongheon, including Beophyeon (法玄), Hyeonyun (玄允), Yeongsaek (英賾, also possibly named Yeongi [英頤]), and Naheum (懶欽) (Song Unsok 2013). No detailed records exist to shed light on why Cheongheo worked with monk sculptors from the Cheongheon School. However, as the Wono School had practically fallen apart by the 1640s when Cheongheo was a head monk sculptor, he would have had difficulty finding assistant sculptors within his own school. The Clay Seated Buddhas of the Three Directions and Four Standing Bodhisattvas at Gapsa Temple in Gongju was made in 1617 by Haengsa (幸思), who is thought to have belonged to the Wono School, like Cheongheo. The assistant sculptors for the project were members of the Wono School, including Huisun (熙淳), Gyeongnyun (敬倫), Simjeong (心淨), Eungmae (應梅), and others.3 However, it is known that Muyeom, Haesim, and other monks from the Muyeom School were assistant sculptors to Haengsa when he produced the Wooden Sakyamuni Buddha and the Left Attendant Standing Bodhisattva in 1648 at Dojangsa Temple in Haenam.4 Hence, the Buddhist sculptures produced when Cheongheo was a head monk sculptor of the Wono School were not in the style of the Wono School, but rather of the Cheongheon School, where the assistant sculptors came from. Cheongheo may have been the head sculptor, but his dominance was not enough to determine the style of the statues. Therefore, it can be understood that the statues were mostly made by assistant sculptors from the Cheongheon School. The statues created by head monk sculptors Yeongsaek, Hyeonyun, and Naheum, who had served as assistant sculptors to Cheongheo, were all made in the style of the Cheongheon School as well. Therefore, their influence would have been a factor in determining the style of Cheongheo’s sculptures. Next, the relationship between Cheongheo and Cheongheon will be examined by comparing the works of each monk sculptor based on their stylistic characteristics. The faces of the statues produced by Cheongheo are very similar to those on Cheongheon’s statues. The Wooden Seated Sakyamuni Buddha enshrined in the Daeungjeon (main hall) of Gyeongheungsa Temple in Gyeongsan has an almost rectangular face that narrows very gently from the forehead down to the chin (Fig. 10). The upper eyelids are not pronounced and the lower eyelids are thin.The skin folds cover the corners of the eyes (inner canthus), forming the Mongolian eye fold. Examining the mouth, the upper lip is thick and the lower lip is thin. The philtrum below the nose is not wide and the edges are softly curved rather than being sharply defined (Fig. 11). The statues made by Cheongheon share almost identical characteristics with the Wooden Seated Sakyamuni Buddha enshrined in the main hall at Eungseoksa Temple in Jinju (Fig. 12). Fig. 10. Wooden Seated Sakyamuni Buddha by Cheongheo. Joseon, 1644. H. 148.2 cm, Width between knees: 99.0 cm. Daeungjeon at Gyeongheungsa Temple, Gyeongsan Fig. 11. Comparison of the face, nose, and ears on statues by Cheongheon, Cheongheo, and Wono Fig. 12. Wooden Seated Sakyamuni Buddha by Cheongheon. Joseon, 1643. H. 141.5 cm, Width between knees: 92.8 cm. Daeungjeon at Eungseoksa Temple, Jinju On the other hand, the stylistic features of the statues made by Wono are very different to those made by Cheongheo. Like the faces on Cheongheo’s works, the faces on Wono’s statues are long, but they have a greater sense of volume than the faces on both Cheongheo’s and Cheongheon’s statues (Figs. 11 and 13). The upper eyelids are very pronounced, and—unlike Cheongheo’s and Cheongheon’s statues—the nose protrudes strongly from the flat area between the eyebrows. Similar to Cheongheo’s and Cheongheon’s works, the upper lip is thick and the lower lip is thin, but unlike their statues where the lips form almost a straight horizontal line, on Wono’s works the corners of the lips are raised to create a smiling expression. Another point of difference is that the philtrum is wide and its edges form sharp ridges (Fig. 11). Fig. 13. Wooden Seated Sakyamuni Buddha by Wono. Joseon, 1605. H. 190.0 cm, Width between knees: 137.0 cm. Daeungjeon at Ssanggyesa Temple, Nonsan The hands placed low above the knees in the abhaya mudra (施無畏印, the gesture of fearlessness), is also a feature found on the statues of both Cheongheo and Cheongheon. Though there are no examples of this mudra being used by monk sculptors of the Wono School, such as Wono or Gakmin, after Cheongheon first used it on the Wooden Seated Bhaiṣajyaguru Buddha of Ssanggyesa Temple in Hadong (1639), it became one of the distinguishing features of the Cheongheon School and was used frequently by Cheongheon’s disciples, including Seungil (勝日), Eunghye (應惠) and Huijang (熙藏) (Fig. 14) (Song Unsok 2004; Lee Huijeong 2005; Lee Bunhui 2006; Song Unsok 2006; Moon Myungdae 2007; Song Unsok 2010). This mudra can be seen on all of Cheongheo’s extant works: the Amitabha statue at Simusa Temple in Geochang (1640), the main icon and attendant bodhisattvas of the Sakyamuni Triad at Gyeongheungsa Temple in Gyeongsan (1644), and the main icon and attendant bodhisattvas of the Amitabha Triad at Namjangsa Temple in Sangju (1645) (Fig. 15). Fig. 14. Wooden Seated Bhaisajyaguru Buddha by Cheongheon. Joseon, 1639. H. 172.0 cm, Width between knees: 120.0 cm. Daeungjeon at Ssanggyesa Temple, Nonsan Fig. 15. Wooden Seated Amitabha Buddha by Cheongheo. Joseon, 1640. H. 112.0 cm, Width between knees: 70.0 cm. Simusa Temple, Geochang Evidently, Cheongheo’s sculptural style was very similar to Cheongheon’s while it showed clear differences from the style of Wono. The similarity of their style would have been directly related to the fact that most of the higher assistant monk sculptors who participated in production of Cheongheo’s sculptures belonged to the Cheongheon School. Therefore, the elements of the Cheongheon School that appear in Cheongheo’s sculptures should be seen as a reflection of the style of Cheongheon’s disciples who worked on them. Dou and the Monk Sculptors of the Huijang School Dou was a monk sculptor living in the late Joseon Dynasty with a rather unusual career. He participated in various Buddhist projects as a member of the Muyeom School, which was active in Jeolla-do Province during the first half of the seventeenth century. One of the key figures in the school, Dou acted as the deputy head sculptor, the second-highest monk sculptor after Muyeom. However, the five sculptures that he created as a head sculptor differ in style to the works of Muyeom or the Muyeom School; rather, they are close to the style of the Huijang School. This appears to be the consequence of the fact that many of the assistant monk sculptors who worked on the statues with Dou were connected with or members of the Huijang School, and that almost no members of the Muyeom School took part in producing Dou’s statues (Song Unsok 2008). The votive texts enshrined in the statues and the similarity in sculptural style show the close relationship that Dou maintained with the Huijang School. This is evidenced by a recently discovered votive text that states Dou served as a deputy monk sculptor under Huijang in the 1665 project to create statues of the Buddhas of the Three Generations at Ssanggyesa Temple on Jindo. It is the first case of a written record directly proving the connection between Dou and Huijang, which had only been presumed from stylistic analysis over the years. Moreover, as stated in the votive texts found inside Dou’s statues, most of the monk sculptors connected with the Huijang School were comparatively higher in rank than the participating monk sculptors from the Muyeom School (Song 2008, 197-200). Presumably, this composition of the group of sculptors taking part in the work would have influenced the style of the statues. The circumstances suggest that Dou left the school in the early 1650s, when Muyeom was approaching retirement, and Haesim—lower in the hierarchy than Dou—was appointed to be the next head sculptor. In all probability, while working independently, Dou maintained relations with the Huijang School and with the help of members of the school, he created his own sculptures in the style of the Huijang School (Song Unsok 2008). To confirm whether the sculptures produced by Dou as head monk sculptor did indeed have little connection with the Muyeom style but were closely related to the Huijang style, the following text examines his extant works. The fifteen statues (five sculpture projects) produced by Dou as a head monk sculptor all have similar stylistic characteristics, reflecting the style of the Huijang School in the expression of elements such as the physique, face, mudra, and robes. The head and body of the statues made by Huijang are thick from the front to the back (Fig. 16), and the same characteristic is found in Dou’s statues, including the statue of Ksitigarbha in the Geungnakjeon (Hall of Paradise) at Songnimsa Temple in Chilgok (1655), and the Seated Buddhas of the Three Worlds at Jungnimsa Temple in Naju (1664) (Fig. 17). The statues of the Muyeom School are not particularly thick by comparison (Fig. 1). Fig. 16. Wooden Seated Bhaisajyaguru Buddha by Huijang. Joseon, 1653. H. 108.0 cm, Width between knees: 76.0 cm. Daeungjeon at Neunggasa Temple, Goheung Fig. 17. Wooden Seated Sakyamuni Buddha by Dou. Joseon, 1664. H. 86.2 cm, Width between knees: 54.0 cm. Yeongsanjeon at Jungnimsa Temple, Naju The facial details of Dou’s statues also reflect Huijang’s style. All the statues produced by the Muyeom School show the nose jutting straight out from the base of the forehead (Figs. 1, 3, and 4). But the nose on Dou’s statues does not protrude in the same abrupt way (Fig. 17), and the expression is closer to the works of the Huijang School. Additionally, the philtrum of the Muyeom School statues is deep and narrow, while the statues made by Dou and the Huijang School have a wide and shallow philtrum. The width of the nose and the mouth also differs. Statues of Dou and the Huijang School have the mouth wider than the nose and the lips are thin, while the statues of the Muyeom School display the mouth in a comparably narrow shape with thick lips (Fig. 18). Fig. 18. Comparison of the mouth on statues by Huijang, Dou, and Muyeom As mentioned before, low placement of the right hand making the abhaya mudra, right above the shin, is a feature originated by Cheongheon. The mudra was mostly used by monk sculptors of the Cheongheon School, including Seungil, Eunghye, and Huijang, and the same hand gesture is seen on statues created by Dou, including the Amitabha statue at Unheungsa Temple (1653) and the Amitabha statue at Yongyeonsa Temple (1655) (Fig. 19). All of the principal icons of Dou’s sculptures make the abhaya mudra. The only exceptions are two statues of Sakyamuni with hands making the (降魔觸地印, earth touching hand gesture), and a stone statue of Amitabha at Songnimsa Temple making the same gesture because the stone material requires it (despite this mudra being reserved for Sakyamuni). None of the statues created by the Muyeom School, however, feature the abhaya mudra, which also attests to a close connection between Dou and the Huijang School. Fig. 19. Wooden Seated Amitabha Buddha by Dou. 1655. H. 156.0 cm, Width between knees: 115.5 cm. Geungnakjeon at Yongyeonsa Temple, Dalseong Additionally, the portrayal of the kasaya (袈裟) on Dou’s statues reflects the style of Huijang School. The statues produced by monk sculptors of the Huijang School depict the corner of the robe as sticking out on the right side at the lower part of the chest while one large fold falls straight down between the legs, with the other folds symmetrically arranged on either side. The other pointed corner of the robe is depicted on top of the left shin (Fig. 16). The robes are portrayed in the same way on nearly all of Dou’s statues, including the Amitabha triad at Unheungsa Temple (1653), the Amitabha triad at Yongyeonsa Temple (1655), the statue of Sakyamuni Buddha at Songnimsa Temple (1657), and the Buddhas of the Three Worlds at Jungnimsa Temple (1664) (Fig. 19). As examined above, the Buddhist statues created by Dou carry the same stylistic characteristics as the statues produced by the monk sculptors of the Huijang School in almost every part, and hence differ to the statues created by the Muyeom School. Even with works Dou made as a head monk sculptor it seems he relied on assistant sculptors from the Huijang School to determine the style of his sculptures. Conclusion During the late Joseon Dynasty, the practice of “ghost-sculpting” as a method of producing Buddhist sculptures emerged in two forms. The first form involved a deputy sculptor who “ghost-sculpted” for the head sculptor inside the same school of monk sculptors. The second form involved assistant sculptors of a particular school working with a head sculptor outside their school. The first method explains the circumstances of what happened in the Muyeom School and the Unhye School. Additionally, it has been confirmed that “ghost-sculpting” occurred during the transition from the current head sculptor to the next head sculptor. In other words, it is presumed that when a head monk sculptor approached his later years, the head sculptor next in line took over the work and created Buddhist sculptures infused with a new style. The second form describes situations such as what happened between Cheongheo, a former head of the Wono School, and the assistant monk sculptors of the Cheongheon School. As well as the situation between Dou, former head of the Muyeom School, and the assistant sculptors of the Huijang School. When Cheongheo was an assistant sculptor of the Wono School, he trained under Wono and Gakmin, but when he became the head of his own school, he created statues after recruiting assistants not from the Wono School but rather from the Cheongheon School, presumably because the Wono School had already been dissolved and no assistant sculptors were available. Dou’s case differs from Cheongheo’s. Even after Dou’s departure, the Muyeom School remained active. Dou left when a younger monk named Haesim became the head sculptor of the Muyeom School, and later he worked independently with assistant monk sculptors from the Huijang School. “Ghost-sculpting” cooperation between different schools of monk sculptors was practiced to a limited extent during the late Joseon Dynasty, a time when the production of Buddhist sculptures was based on the school system. However, it would not have been the dominant way of producing Buddhist sculptures. Moreover, the practice of “ghost-sculpting” cannot be considered ethically problematic as the images produced this way would not be considered as counterfeits, forgeries, or fakes in modern terms. At the time, most Buddhist sculptures were made under the auspices of a temporary office set up to supervise the project at the temple where they were to be enshrined. All the details related to making the sculptures would have been made open not only to all the monks belonging to the temple, but also to all the donors of the project, whether monks or laymen. “Ghost-sculpting” was a special case among the various methods of producing Buddhist statues during the late Joseon Dynasty, and it gives a glimpse into one of the ways the styles of monk sculptor schools were handed down.

Reflecting the conservative nature of religious art, Buddhist sculptures and paintings produced in the latter part of the Joseon Dynasty (1392‒1910) maintained considerable iconography and conventions transmitted from earlier periods. However, the emergence of Buddhist sculptures and paintings with new elements brought about changes in Korean Buddhist art. The conservative nature of religious art and the new trends in Buddhist sculpture and painting introduced at the time have respectively been attributed to the traditional skills handed down to monks who became artisans and the personal qualities that they demonstrated while leading their independent artisan groups. However, from a religious perspective, the production of Buddhist sculptures and paintings with new iconography, conventions, and techniques and their enshrinement in Buddhist halls cannot be explained solely by the attitudes and actions of the individual monk artisans involved. Previous studies on the production background of Buddhist sculptures and paintings from the late Joseon Dynasty have centered on particular monk artisans. This article, however, aims to examine the field by focusing on monk artisans’ relationships with their fellow monks who oversaw the production of Buddhist art and commissioned monk artisans for the projects. During the late Joseon Dynasty, divergent monastic lineages (門中) were descended from Samyeong Yujeong (四溟惟政, 1544–1610), Soyo Taeneung (逍遙太能, 1562–1649), and Pyeonyang Eongi (鞭羊彦機, 1581–1644), all of whom were disciples of Cheongheo Hyujeong (淸虛休政, 1520–1604), or from Byeokam Gakseong (碧巖覺性, 1575–1660), a disciple of Buhyu Seonsu (浮休善修, 1543–1615). These lineages stayed at major temples throughout the country for generations. In the early seventeenth century, disciples of these noted monks gathered at major temples that had been destroyed or damaged during the Japanese Invasions of Korea (1592–98) and embarked on rebuilding projects. Even after completing these projects, they stayed at the temples and increased the influence of their particular lineages by leading new Buddhist projects, such as the repair of buildings and the production of Buddhist sculptures and paintings. Members of particular lineages forged close bonds with each other. These bonds impacted how members of a given monk lineage gained consent from other members from the same lineage for preparing and proceeding with the production of Buddhist sculptures and paintings. The bonds also influenced the selection and invitation of specific monk artisans to produce the Buddhist art. This suggests that the jeungmyeong (證明, the monk supervising a Buddhist project and ensuring that it properly corresponds to Buddhist doctrine) and the hwaju (化主, fundraising monks soliciting donations from devotees for a Buddhist project) who participated in the production of Buddhist sculptures and paintings were not just high-ranking monks from a Buddhist order with financial resources, but monks from the same lineages as the artisans involved in a project. Accordingly, the production of Buddhist sculptures and paintings during the late Joseon Dynasty needs to be examined based not simply on monk artisans, but also on their relationships to the lineages that impelled Buddhist projects. Moreover, the emergence of Buddhist sculptures and paintings using new iconography, conventions, and production techniques should be investigated in terms of the faiths and ideas of the high-ranking monks who led these Buddhist projects. Previous studies have shed light on the patronage relationship between Byeokam’s monastic lineage and monk artisans working in the fields of architecture and Buddhist sculpture in the seventeenth century when a number of rebuilding projects were launched at temples after periods of warfare. However, these studies only partially address the artistic activities of monk artisans. They have not discussed the ideology of respective monk lineages that were reflected in the creations. This article intends to explore the relationship between monk artisans, particularly the monk sculptors Daneung (端應) and Takmil (卓密) and the monk painter Toeun Singyeom (退雲信謙) and the Pyeonyang monastic sub-lineage (鞭羊門中) to which they belonged. These monk artisans were active from the late seventeenth century through the nineteenth century, a period during which perceptions of factions within monk lineages began to be shaped and the influence of monk lineages over Buddhist projects at temples was extended. Daneung and Takmil charted a new format in the late seventeenth century by applying sculptural techniques to Buddhist painting and inventing a wooden altarpiece depicting Nine Grades of Rebirth in Amitabha’s Pure Land (also known as a wooden Amitabha Buddha altarpiece, 木刻阿彌陀如來說法像). In the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries, Toeun Singyeom created ingenious Buddhist paintings stretching the boundaries of previous iconography and conventions. After he entered nirvana, his portrait was produced and he was honored as a Seon (meditation) master. In this article, I will discuss the high-ranking monk Soyeong Singyeong (昭影神鏡) who led the Buddhist project which had Daneung and Takmil produce a wooden altarpiece of Nine Grades of Rebirth in Amitabha’s Pure Land and allowed this experimental piece to be enshrined in a Buddhist hall. Soyeong Singyeong, Daneung, and Takmil are known to have established a relationship as a jeungsa (證師, project supervisor monk and verifier) and monk sculptors, but this paper proves that they were also in a teacher-student relationship. Moreover, it attempts to explore the relationships between high-ranking monks and monk artisans that started to change in the late seventeenth century by comparing the Buddhist projects led by Soyeong Singyeong to those by his teacher Hwanjeok Uicheon (幻寂義天). In addition to working as a monk painter, Toeun Singyeom dedicated his life to practicing in the Buddhist priesthood, as demonstrated by materials related to his involvement in yeombulgye (念佛契, fraternities for Buddha recitation) and hand-copied sutras that he transcribed over the course of years. These materials help with the understanding of the background against which Toeun Singyeom was able to consolidate his position as a head monk painter, create new Buddhist paintings, and enshrine them at temples. This article explores Toeun Singyeom’s artistic activities within the personal networks built by his old teacher, Gwalheo Chwiyeo (括虛取如), It also scrutinizes how the depictions of Ucchusma (穢跡金剛, the Vajra-being of Impure Traces) in his Buddhist paintings are related to the thinking of the Hwanseong monk faction in the Pyeonyang sub-lineage. Furthermore, it investigates how Toeun Singyeom’s involvement in yeombulgye and his sutra transcriptions are linked to his creation of Buddhist paintings and how the life of Toeun Singyeom, who long served as a Buddhist monk and practitioner, changed the status of monk artisans in the monk lineages to which they belonged. Trends in the Buddhist Projects Led by Hwajeok Uicheon and Soyeong Singyeong from the Pyeonyang Monastic Sub-lineage and Their Relationships with Monk Artisans In the early seventeenth century, the distinctions between any factions within a monastic lineage were so blurry that Seosan Hyujeong’s disciples, Samyeong Hyujeong and Soyo Taeneung, and Buhyu Seonsu’s disciple Byeokgam Gakseong recognized one another simply as fellow monks. At the time, Byeokam Gakseong led major Buddhist projects throughout the nation instead of the local monks who had lived for generations at the temples where the projects took place. Many monk artisans invited him to construct temple buildings and create Buddhist sculptures. However, in the late seventeenth century, monks who operated temples became keenly aware of monk lineages and their factions. Moreover, rather than renowned monk artisans, monk artisans who belonged to particular monk lineages were entrusted with a building’s construction or production of paintings and sculptures, thus encouraging their growth. Such changes in the relationship between the monks leading Buddhist projects and monk artisans can be inferred from the production of Buddhist sculptures commissioned for their private worship by Hwanjeok Uicheon (1603–1690), a disciple of Pyeonyang Eongi, and Soyeong Singyeong (?–1706), a disciple of Hwanjeok Uicheon. Buddhist Projects Led by Hwanjeok Uicheon and His Relationship with Monk Artisans After being authorized by Pyeonyang Eongi to become his disciple at Jeongyangsa Temple on Geumgangsan Mountain at the age of fourteen, Hwanjeok Uicheon practiced ascetic disciplines on multiple famous mountains. He gained high esteem over his life and, after entering nirvana, he was recorded in the Beomeumsanbojip (梵音刪補集, Edited Collection of Sanskrit Sounds) as a head monk who practiced the discipline of contemplating the mind and not eating grain (觀心辟穀). Baengryeonam Hermitage at Haeinsa Temple holds a portrait depicting Hwanjeok Uicheon as a Seon (meditation) master who strove to practice such discipline (Fig. 1).1 According to his biography2, Hwanjeok Uicheon founded hermitages in ten places and participated as a jeungsa in the production of a Buddhist sculpture at Domyeongsa Temple on Nakyeongsan Mountain in Goesan in 1643 and in the production of sculptures of the Ten Kings of Hell at Bongamsa Temple in Mungyeong in 1666. He also commissioned the production of Seated Manjusri Bodhisattva at Sangwonsa Temple in 1661 (Fig. 1) and Seated Maitreya Buddha at Bongamsa Temple in 1663 (Figs. 2 and 3) to worship privately. These two sculptures which were authorized by Hwanjeok Uicheon reflect his selection of monk artisans and his views on faith. Fig. 1. Portrait of Hwanjeok Uicheon. Joseon, 1750. 93.5 × 59.8 cm. Ink and color on hemp cloth. Baengnyeonam Hermitage at Haeinsa Temple Fig. 2. Wooden Seated Manjusri Bodhisattva at Sangwonsa Temple. Joseon, 1661. H. 117 cm. Sangwonsa Temple Fig. 3. Rock-carved Seated Maitreya Buddha at Bongamsa Temple. Joseon, 1663. H. 442 cm. Bongamsa Temple It has been believed since the Three Kingdoms period (三國時代, 57 BCE–668 CE) that Manjusri Bodhisattva lived at Sangwonsa Temple on Odaesan Mountain in Gangwon-do Province. Hwanjeok Uicheon led the third reconstruction of Sangwonsa Temple, commissioned the production of a seated sculpture of Manjusri Bodhisattva, and enshrined it in the temple for his private worship. The monk artisans responsible for reconstructing the temple and producing the sculpture were Singyeom (信謙) and Hoegam (懷鑑). Singyeom is believed to have been born in Cheongju. He was a monk painter who created the gwaebul (掛佛, large-scale Buddhist paintings hung outside a Buddhist hall during rituals and large assemblies) paintings of the Vulture Peak Assembly at Bosalsa Temple (1649), the Vulture Peak Assembly at Ansimsa Temple (1652), and the Vulture Peak Assembly at Biamsa Temple (1657). Hoegam was a monk sculptor who produced the sculptures of Seated Kshitigarbha Bodhisattva and Ten Kings of Hell at Muwisa Temple (1666) and the sculpture of Wooden Seated Amitabha Buddha at Buljisa Temple (1666). Although not identified by name in the balwonmun (發願文, votive text or record of the patron’s wishes) for the Buddhist projects at Sangwonsa Temple, Singyeom is presumed to have worked on the dancheong (丹青, the traditional decorative coloring) for the temple buildings and Hoegam appears to have produced the sculpture of Manjusri Bodhisattva. The monastic lineages to which these two monk artisans belonged have not been identified. However, it seems that they were closely linked to the Byeokam sub-lineage rather than the Pyeonyang sub-lineage. Singyeom produced Buddhist paintings for temples where the Byeokam sub-lineage stayed and held a clerical position as a monk general guarding the Sangdangsanseong Fortress. Considering that Hoegam was active in Jeolla-do Province where the Byeokam sub-lineage was influential, he could have been related to it. Thus, the monk artisans invited to join the Buddhist projects led by Hwanjeok Uicheon at Sangwonsa Temple in Gangwon-do Province consisted of people who had established a reputation in their specialized fields and were highly skilled, regardless of their affiliated monk lineages. The high-ranking monk’s selection of monk artisans for the Buddhist project, his invitation of them to take part in the project, and his manner of commissioning the project illustrated by the case of Sangwonsa Temple can be commonly observed in seventeenth-century Buddhist projects. Seated Manjusri Bodhisattva at Sangwonsa Temple (1661) and Seated Maitreya Buddha at Bongamsa Temple (1663) reflect the faith to which Hwanjeok Uicheon adhered when he commissioned them for his private worship. Each of these two sculptures holds a flowering branch as an attribute. Their associated votive texts and records identify them as Manjusri Bodhisattva and Maitreya Buddha, respectively. Around the time when Hwanjeok Uicheon commissioned the production of these two sculptures, a new ritual manual entitled Ojong-beomeumjip (五種梵音集, The Collection of the Five Categories of Sanskrit Sounds) (1661) was published. Banun Jiseon (伴雲智禪) compiled the manual, and his teacher Byeokam Gakseong proofread it. In the manual, five types of procedures for geobul (擧佛, entreating Buddhist deities) were replaced by a single beophwa geobul (法華擧佛, calling on Buddhas based on the Lotus Repentance). These five types are as follows: beophwa geobul hwaeom geobul (華嚴擧佛, calling on Buddhas based on the Hwaeom Repentance), chamgyeong geobul (懺經擧佛, calling on Buddhas based on the Compassion Repentance), mitacham geobul (彌陀懺擧佛, calling on Buddhas based on the Amitabha Repentance), and jijanggyeong geobul (地藏經擧佛, calling on Buddhas based on the Kshitigarbha Sutra). Ojongbeomeumjip also pointed out that it was wrong to perform the Yeongsan jakbeop (靈山作法, Vulture Peak Rite) in the Maitreya Hall at Beopjusa and Geumsansa Temples in order to avoid invoking Maitreya Buddha and Shakyamuni Buddha in a confusing way. This viewpoint reflected the experiences of Byeokam Gakseong and Banun Jiseon, both of whom stayed at Beopjusa Temple on Songnisan Mountain and its affiliated Jungsajaam Hermitage in the 1740s. In the seventeenth century, a vast body of gwaebul featuring a Buddha in the manifestation of a bodhisattva holding a flower were created in Chungcheong-do Province.3 In the gwaebul paintings at Muryangsa Temple (1627) and Janggoksa Temple (1673), the deity depicted is Maitreya Buddha (Fig. 4). Other gwaebul paintings created in the same period, including the Hwaeomsa Temple example (1653), whose production Byeokam Gakseong participated in and those at Bosalsa Temple (1649) and Ansimsa Temple (1653), whose production his disciples participated in, feature Shakyamuni Buddha making the bhumisparsha (earth-touching) mudra as the main Buddha (Fig. 5). Fig. 4. Gwaebul Painting of Janggoksa Temple. Joseon, 1673. 809 × 566 cm. Ink and color on hemp cloth. Janggoksa Temple Fig. 5. Gwaebul Painting of Hwaeomsa Temple. Joseon, 1653. 1,009 × 731 cm. Ink and color on hemp cloth. Hwaeomsa Temple In the period during which the emergence of new rituals resulted in a mixture of Maitreya and Shakyamuni Buddhas, Hwanjeok Uicheon maintained traditional views on the matter rather than embracingthe new changes. Hwanjeok Uicheon enshrined the sculpture of Manjusri Bodhisattva at Sangwonsa Temple based on the faith in Manjusri that had been followed since the foundation of the temple. Similarly, he commissioned the production of a rock-carved seated Maitreya Buddha holding a flower on a standing stone in Baegundae Terrace at Bongamsa Temple where Hwanjeokam Hermitage was built for him to stay. The production of this Maitreya Buddha at Bongamsa Temple was related to the Maitreya faith that had been upheld at Beopjusa Temple on Songnisan Mountain at the time of Hwanjeok Uicheon’s entry into the Buddhist priesthood. After joining the priesthood at Bokcheonsa Temple on Songnisan Mountain, he went to other temples to study Buddhism and practice ascetic disciplines. However, he visited Songnisan Mountain at the ages of twenty-seven, thirty-four, thirty-eight, and sixty-four, and stayed there for periods ranging from six months to three years. Bokcheonsa Temple is a mountain hermitage affiliated with Beopjusa Temple. When Hwanjeok Uicheon joined the priesthood, it seems he naturally embraced the Maitreya faith that had been practiced at Beopjusa Temple since its establishment. In his old age, he built Hwanjeokam Hermitage (which was named after his dharma name) near Bongamsa Temple on Huiyangsan Mountain close to Songnisan Mountain. There, he enshrined Maitreya Buddha for his private worship based on the Maitreya faith that had been passed on to him at the time of his entry into the Buddhist priesthood. As demonstrated by the titles of Seated Manjusri Bodhisattva at Sangwonsa Temple and Seated Maitreya Buddha at Bongamsa Temple, these sculptures commissioned by Hwanjeok Uicheon for his private worship were objects of reverence that reflected traditional belief systems sustained since the foundation of the temples rather than any new ideologies. Wooden Altarpiece of Nine Grades of Rebirth in Amitabha’s Pure Land Produced by Soyeong Singyeong and the Monk Sculptors Daneung and Takmil Soyeong Singyeong, a disciple of Hwanjeok Uicheon, was active at the Gounsa and Gapjangsa Temples. After he entered nirvana at Gounsa Temple, a stele was erected there for him in 1706 and a stupa was installed at Namjangsa Temple. His portrait is enshrined in Gwaneumseonwon Hall at Namjangsa Temple along with a portrait of his teacher, Hwanjeok Uicheon (Fig. 6). Soyeong Singyeong was renowned for absorbing himself in the practice of ascetic disciplines and never leaving the mountain. Together with other renowned monks of the time, including Hwanjeok Uicheon, his name was recorded in Beomeumsanbojip. Fig. 6. Portrait of Soyeong Singyeong in Gwaneumseonwon Hall at Namjangsa Temple. Late Joseon. Current location unknown. Soyeong Singyeong was actively engaged in Buddhist projects at temples. Particularly, he assumed full charge of supervising many projects where the monk sculptors Daneung and Takmil produced Buddhist sculptures. The relationship between Soyeong Singyeong and Daneung and Takmil has been identified as a jeungsa with monk sculptors and also as a commissioner with creators. Recently, votive texts for the Wooden Altarpiece of Nine Grades of Rebirth in Amitabha’s Pure Land at Yongmunsa Temple (1684) and the Portable Shrine with an Amitabha Triad at Yeongjosa Temple (1694) have been discovered. These written prayers indicate that Soyeong Singyeong, Daneung, and Takmil maintained a rather close relationship and that Soyeong Singyeong exerted considerable influence over the production of the Buddhist sculptures. According to the votive text (1694) for the Portable Shrine with an Amitabha Triad at Yeongjosa Temple that Soyeong Singyeong commissioned for his private worship, “As [I] planned the production of sculptural images of several deities, such as Amitabha Buddha, Avalokiteshvara Bodhisattva, and Kshitigarbha Bodhisattva, and ordered members of the lineage [to produce them], those with dexterity crafted [the sculptures] with all their hearts.”4 It also names the monk sculptors Daneung, Takmil, Boung (普雄), and Jongin (宗印) as skillful members of the lineage (善手門人) (Figs. 7 and 8).5 This record suggests that Daneung and Takmil created Buddhist sculptures by reflecting the desires of their teacher, Soyeong Singyeong, more as disciples than as monk sculptors. Fig. 7. Wooden Portable Shrine with an Amitabha Triad at Yeongjosa Temple. Joseon, 1694. 22.5 × 16.9 × 17 cm. Yeongjosa Temple Fig. 8. Votive Text for the Wooden Portable Shrine with an Amitabha Triad at Yeongjosa Temple. Joseon, 1694. 12.7 × 25.9 cm. Paper. Yeongjosa Temple Soyeong Singyeong, Daneung, and Takmil, who had formed a relationship as a teacher and disciples, launched a new Buddhist project at Yongmunsa Temple as high-ranking monks. The results of this project are the Seated Amitabha Triad and the Wooden Altarpiece of Nine Grades of Rebirth in Amitabha’s Pure Land from 1684 (Fig. 9). One day, Soyeong Singyeong accidently stopped at Yongmunsa Temple and felt sorry that the temple possessed no main hall.6 Accordingly, a project to build a hall was initiated. Soyeong Singyeong’s disciples Hongtaek (洪澤) and Jeongsim (淨心) served as hwaju and Daneung and Takmil took charge of the production of images for the main hall (Fig. 10). 7 A painting is conventionally hung behind the main sculpture for worship in a Buddhist hall. The Wooden Altarpiece of Nine Grades of Rebirth in Amitabha’s Pure Land set behind the sculpture of an Amitabha Triad enshrined at the altar here was a new practice in that it replaced the painting with a sculptural piece. Given that this was a novel undertaking, there must have been a number of issues regarding selecting the appropriate sculpting techniques, producing the image, and enshrining it in the hall. Despite these challenges, the creation of the altarpiece was possible since the Buddhist project was initiated by Soyeong Singyeong and the hwaju and monk sculptors who participated in the production of the objects for worship were all his disciples. Therefore, Soyeong Singyeong’s beliefs and views on ascetic practices are presumed to have been reflected in the Wooden Altarpiece of Nine Grades of Rebirth in Amitabha’s Pure Land at Yongmunsa. Daneung and Takmil appear to have given a visual form to their teacher’s intentions. Fig. 9. Wooden Seated Amitabha Triad and Wooden Altarpiece of Nine Grades of Rebirth in Amitabha’s Pure Land at Yongmunsa Temple. Joseon, 1684. H. 85 cm (Amitabha triad), 265 × 218 cm (Altarpiece). Yongmunsa Temple Fig. 10. A Record on the Construction of the Main Hall at Yongmunsa Temple. Joseon, 1684. 110.5 × 73.3 cm. Yongmunsa Museum Hwanjeok Uicheon, the teacher of Soyeong Singyeong, practiced the discipline of contemplating the mind during his lifetime, and Soyeong Singyeong is also thought to have been deeply interested in this discipline. One of the characteristics of the Buddhist sculptures produced by Daneung and Takmil is their illustration of the Amitayurdhyana Sutra (觀無量壽經, the Sutra on the Visualization of the Buddha Amitayus) that emphasized methods of contemplation. What is particularly intriguing in the Wooden Altarpiece of Nine Grades of Rebirth in Amitabha’s Pure Land at Yongmunsa Temple (1684), from the perspective of this contemplation, is the two Chinese characters reading “myeongsim” (明心, luminous mind or illuminating the mind) engraved in the center of the bottom frame (Fig. 11). They are located below the nine lotuses representing the grades of rebirth upholding the preaching Amitabha Buddha. This inclusion seems to indicate viewing the nine graded lotuses in the pure land of Amitabha Buddha with a luminous mind, which is not so different from Hwanjeok Uicheon’s practice of contemplating the mind. The word myeongsim can be found in the work of these artists only in the Wooden Altarpiece of Nine Grades of Rebirth in Amitabha’s Pure Land at Yongmunsa Temple. The depiction of nine graded lotuses, however, is observed in the wooden altarpieces with the same theme at Daeseungsa (1675) and Gyeongguksa (1684) Temples, which are believed to have also been produced by Daneung and Takmil. Furthermore, it appears as a symbol of rebirth in the pure land in the lower section of the mandorlas of the Seated Amitabha Triad at Seonseoksa Temple, another work by Daneung and Takmil. Thus, the depiction of nine graded lotuses in the Buddhist sculptures created by Daneung and Takmil is presumed to have been impacted by Soyeong Singyeong’s views on Buddhist ascetic practice. Fig. 11. “Myeongsim” (明心) in the Wooden Altarpiece of Nine Grades of Rebirth in Amitabha’s Pure Land at Yongmunsa Temple. Joseon, 1684. Yongmunsa Temple It is unlikely that all high-ranking monks and monk artisans from the late Joseon period worked on projects that accorded with the monastic lineages to which they belonged as shown by the case of the monk sculptors Daneung and Takmil and their teacher Soyeong Singyeong. Nevertheless, their monastic lineages might have partially influenced monk artisans’ artistic activities. As monk sculptors did, monk painters maintained close relationships with their monastic lineages while producing Buddhist paintings. This is demonstrated by the fact that Wondam Naewon (圓潭乃圓) and Geumam Cheonyeo (錦巖天如), monk painters active in the Jeolla-do region in the nineteenth century, were lineal descendants of Seosan Hyujeong, and that Toeun Singyeom and Uiun Jau (意雲慈雨), monk painters active in the Gyeongsang-do region, were from the Hwanseong Jian faction in the sub-lineage of Pyeonyang. Toeun Singyeom, a Seon Master and Monk Painter, and Support from the Hwanseong Faction in the Pyeonyang Monastic Sub-lineage Like Buddhist sculptures, Buddhist paintings strongly manifest conservative nature through iconography distinctive to religious paintings and traditional conventions. The conservative qualities of Buddhist paintings are preserved through rough drafts or preparatory drawings, but works with novel iconography and conventions are also invented through these rough drafts or preparatory drawings. For a new Buddhist painting produced by a monk painter to be enshrined in a Buddhist hall as an object for worship, the roles played by the operating agents for the project, including a jeungsa and hwaju are significant. Rather than being led by individuals, Buddhist projects in the eighteenth century began to be led by monastic factions connected through the same dharma lineage. Monk painters from the same monastic lineages came to frequently assume full charge of producing Buddhist paintings and adding dancheong (traditional decorative coloring). Among several head monk painters who created Buddhist paintings with support from their monastic lineages, Toeun Singyeom earned his reputation as a skilled monk painter by participating in numerous Buddhist projects and producing masterpieces. He was also revered as a Seon master, and his portrait was enshrined at Gimryongsa Temple after entering nirvana (Fig. 12). Fig. 12. Portrait of Toeun Singyeom. Joseon, 19th century. 103.4 × 77.2 cm. Ink and color on silk. Gimryongsa Temple The Thinking of the Hwanseong Faction Reflected in the Buddhist Paintings of Toeun Singyeom Toeun Singyeom led the Sabulsan school of painting (四佛山畫派), one of the late Joseon Dynasty monk painter groups operating in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries. He carried out Buddhist projects such as the production of Buddhist paintings, traditional decorative coloring, and regilding of Buddhist sculptures. Particularly when creating Buddhist paintings, he displayed his distinctive style by departing from the existing conventions and devising rough drafts that experimented with new iconography and compositions. Toeun Singyeom’s attempt to employ new iconography and conventions was based on the ideology of and support from the monastic lineage to which he belonged. Unlike other paintings of Guardian Deities from the eighteenth century, Guardian Deities at Gimryongsa Temple produced by Toeun Singyeom in 1803 added Vajra-being of Impure Traces (穢跡金剛) and Eight Vajra-beings (八金剛) as new deities amongst the assistant devas to Brahma and Indra and assistant Eight Legions to Skanda (Fig. 13). This painting is the earliest example of a painting depicting Guardian Deities from the late Joseon period. The source on which Toeun Singyeom based the iconography of Vajra-being of Impure Traces with a face and multiple arms is unknown. However, the religious background of the addition of this iconography to his painting of Guardian Deities is related to Jebanmun (諸般文, Protocols of Buddhist Rituals) (1769) at Bongjeongsa Temple. Fig. 13. Guardian Deities in Daeungjeon Hall at Gimryongsa Temple. Joseon, 1803. Ink and color on silk. 237 × 279 cm. Current location unknown. Toeun Singyeom is well-known as a head monk painter from the Sabulsan school of painting and is recorded in the Genealogy of Dharma Lineage as a fourth-generation descendant of the Hwanseong faction in the Pyeonyang monastic sub-lineage. More specifically, he was a disciple of a disciple of Gwalheo Chwiyeo (括虛取如, 1720–1789), who was a descendant of Powol Chomin (抱月楚玟), a disciple of Hwanseong Jian (喚醒志安). Gwalheo Chwiyeo was revered in the Gyeongsang-do region in the eighteenth century. At that time, disciples of Powol Chomin were dispersed in Andong, Mungyeong, and Sangju in Gyeongsang-do Province but undertook a large-scale Buddhist project of publishing Buddhist books and scriptures at Bongjeongsa Temple in 1769 in collaboration with other descendants of Hwanseong Jian. This project by a collection of Hwanseong Jian’s disciples and descendants, including Hamwol Haewon (涵月海源), Waun Sinhye (臥雲信慧), and Namak Yeongo (南嶽暎焐), involved the publication of Buddhist books and sculptures needed by the monastic lineage.8 One of the ritual manuals published at the time is the Jebanmun of Bongjeongsa Temple (Fig. 14). This manual contains new procedures for the Sinjung jakbeop (Guardian Deities Rite) that depart from the conventional organization of the Protocols of Buddhist Rituals that had been followed since the sixteenth century. The procedure for the Guardian Deities Rite in the Bongjeongsa Jebanmun places Vajra-being of Impure Traces and Eight Vajra-beings as the heads of the Guardian Deities and describes in detail the names and characteristics of numerous Guardian Deities. In the Guardian Deities painting that Toeun Singyeom produced for Gimryongsa Temple in 1803, he set Vajra-being of Impure Traces and Eight Vajra-beings in the composition based on the procedures for the Guardian Deities Rite distributed and shared in Gyeongsangbuk-do Province in the late eighteenth century. This painting, with its depictions of new deities, could be enshrined at the Altar for Guardian Deities in Daeungjeon Hall at Gimryongsa Temple since the agents of the Buddhist project at Gimryongsa Temple and the commissioners of the production of the painting were members of the Hwanseong faction who understood the presence of Vajra-being of Impure Traces. Except for the Gimryongsa Temple example, no other paintings of Guardian Deities including Vajra-being of Impure Traces and Eight Vajra-beings were produced by Toeun Singyeom. Nevertheless, Toeun Singyeom continued to work under the influence of the procedure of the Guardian Deities Rite from the Bongjeongsa Jebanmun. Even the beginning of his transcription of An Outline of the Lotus Sutra (妙法蓮華經要解) from 1824 expounds on the assembly of Guardian Deities, including Vajra-being of Impure Traces, which is not included in the original Lotus Sutra (Fig. 15). Fig. 14. Printing Woodblock for Jebanmun (Protocols of Buddhist Rituals) at Bongjeongsa Temple. Joseon, 1769. (reengraved). 22.5 × 55.5 cm (main board). Bongjeongsa Temple Fig. 15. An Outline of the Lotus Sutra transcribed by Toeun Singyeom. Joseon, 1821–1823. Horim Museum Activities of Toeun Singyeom and the Changes in His Status within the Hwanseong Faction in the Pyeonyang Monastic Sub-lineage The relationship between Toeun Singyeom and his monastic lineage was a significant factor in supporting his activities as a monk painter and in enshrining the Buddhist paintings he produced featuring new iconography and conventions. This can be inferred based on the portraits of eminent monks that Toeun Singyeom created. Since most portraits of eminent monks from the late Joseon period do not bear inscriptions, their production dates and creators remain unknown. However, there are eleven dated portraits produced by Toeun Singyeom. He created portraits of monks who founded temples, monks known for their great achievements in the Buddhist world, and former teachers in monastic lineages who managed temples, starting with the portraits of National Preceptor Beomil (梵日) and Great Master Samyeong at Yeongeunsa Temple in Gangwon-do Province in 1788 during the early stages of his career. He also produced the Portrait of Great Seon Master Poheodang Damsu (抱虛堂曇秀) at Daegoksa Temple in Uiseong in 1795, the Portrait of Great Seon Master Chimundang (枕雲堂) at Hwajangam Hermitage of Gimryongsa Temple in Mungyeong in 1795, and the Portrait of Great Master Naong (懶翁) at Myojeokam Hermitage of Daeseungsa Temple in Mungyeong in 1803. Among the eleven dated portraits by Toeun Singyeom are those of Gwalheo Chwiyeo, a direct lineal teacher of Toeun Singyeom, and senior monks of the Hwanseong faction, including Namak Yeongo and Yeongpa Seonggyu (影波聖奎, 1728–1812) (Figs. 16, 17, and 18). Toeun Singyeom’s production of portraits of senior monks from the Hwanseong faction who stayed at Gimryongsa Temple, the base for his activities, suggests that he held a prominent position in the Buddhist network of the Hwanseong faction. Fig. 16. Portrait of Gwalheo Chwiyeo. Joseon, late 18th century. 98 × 64 cm. Ink and color on silk. Gimryongsa Temple Fig. 17. Portrait of Namak Yeongo. Joseon, late 18th century. 99.4 × 65.6 cm. Ink and color on silk. Jikji Museum Fig. 18. Portrait of Yeongpa Seonggyu. Joseon, 19th century. 108.4 × 80 cm. Ink and color on silk. Jikji Museum Starting from the position bestowed upon him when he entered the Buddhist priesthood, Toeun Singyeom distinguished himself among the monk painters of the Sabulsan painting school from early on and produced Buddhist paintings in his own style. At the same time, he established a network not only with monks from the Hwanseong faction, but also with members of other monastic lineages. He maintained a close relationship with Hyewol Gyeu (慧月戒友), a disciple of a disciple of Namak Yeongo from the same Hwanseong faction. Toeun Singyeom served as a member of the yeombulgye led by Hyewol Gyeu at Daeseongam Hermitage of Gimryongsa Temple. Toeun Singyeom and Hyewol Gyeu met each other as a monk painter and the commissioner of the painting of Guardian Deities for the Daeseongam Hermitage at Gimryongsa Temple in 1806. In addition to monks from the Hwanseong faction, members of several other monastic factions and lineages scattered across the north-central region of Gyeongsang-do Province, including Ilam Gyeongui (一庵警誼) from the Soyo monastic sub-lineage (逍遙門中) based in Eunhaesa Temple and Milam Daeseong (密庵大成) from the Sangbong faction (霜峰門中) of the Pyeonyang monastic sub-lineage, participated in the yeombulgye led by Hyewol Gyeu. Through this fraternity, Toeun Singyeom could communicate with monks from other factions and lineages active in Gyeongsang-do Province. From 1803 through 1822, Milam Daeseong regularly joined Toeun Singyeom in producing Buddhist paintings for Gimryongsa Temple along with Hyewol Gyeu and Daeeun Hoyeong (大隱護韺). Ilam Gyeongui was entrusted with ensuring that the artworks corresponded to Buddhist doctrine during the production of two Buddhist paintings by Singyeom in 1822 and 1825 (one currently housed at the Onyang Folk Museum and the other at Jibosa Temple). The yeombulgye of Daeseongam Hermitage at Gimryongsa Temple, which was intended to allow monks to support the temple and practice ascetic disciplines, greatly helped Toeun Singyeom create art and form a network. While involved in yeombulgye activity, Toeun Singyeom transcribed the eighty volumes of Commentary and Sub-commentary on the Avatamsaka (Flower Garland) Sutra (大方廣佛華嚴經疏鈔) from 1807 through 1815 in a book format (Fig. 19). Between 1821 and 1823, he copied the seven volumes of An Outline of the Lotus Sutra in the format of an accordion book in two editions (Fig. 20). Toeun Singyeom transcribed sutras in order to accumulate merit for the rebirth of his deceased parents and other family members in the nine grades of Amitabha Buddha’s pure land. Since it required a considerable amount of time to transcribe these works, many monks joined Singyeom as donors to help with his sutra transcription and accumulate their own merit.9 Fig. 19. Commentary and Sub-commentary on the Avatamsaka Sutra transcribed by Toeun Singyeom. Joseon, 1807–1815. 21 × 14 cm (half). Ink on paper. Eunhaesa Temple Fig. 20. An Outline of the Lotus Sutra transcribed by Toeun Singyeom. Joseon, 1821–1823. 32.1 × 13.5 cm (a folded section). Cheongryangsa Temple In 1815, the year when the transcription of Commentary and Sub-commentary on the Avatamsaka Sutra was completed, disciples of Gwalheo Chwiyeo and lineal descendants of Namak Yeongo at Gimryongsa and Yongmunsa Temples participated in Singyeom’s transcription project as major donors. A preface to this transcribed sutra that extoled the merit of transcription was written in 1824 by Daeeun Hoyeong, a disciple of a disciple of Yeongpa Seonggyu who stayed at Hwajangam Hermitage in Gimryongsa Temple. During the process of transcribing in 1813, Uiam Hodeung (義巖好澄) and Soeun Seongi (韶隱善己) from Gounsa Temple joined the project as donors. These two monks later participated as the project supervisor and verifier monks when Toeun Singyoem produced the Assembly of the Buddhas of the Three Ages at Juwolam Hermitage in Uiseong in 1819. In particular, Soeun Seongi is presumed to have played an important role in allowing Toeun Singyeom to settle in Gounsa Temple in his latter days by acting as an assistant to Singyeom in 1820 when Singyeom founded Baengnyeonam Hermitage at Gounsa Temple and stayed there as the eldest monk. While residing at Gounsa Temple, in 1828 Toeun Singyeom created preparatory drawings and finished paintings of Forty-two Armed Avalokiteshvara Bodhisattva and Ten Kings of Hell with Messengers to be respectively enshrined in its Daeungjeon Hall and Myeongbujeon Hall (Figs. 21 and 22). In 1829, he had one of the two transcribed editions of An Outline of the Lotus Sutra stored at Gounsa Temple.10 Fig. 21. Preparatory Drawing for Forty-two Armed Avalokiteshvara Bodhisattva at Gounsa Temple. Joseon, 1828. 219 × 208 cm. Ink on paper. Tongdosa Museum Fig. 22. Forty-two Armed Avalokiteshvara Bodhisattva at Gounsa Temple. Joseon, 1828. 228 × 200 cm. Ink and color on paper. Gounsa Temple. Monks who had participated in the transcription of Commentary and Sub-commentary on the Avatamsaka Sutra also joined Toeun Singyeom in transcribing An Outline of the Lotus Sutra. However, there were a number of monks who took part in helping Singyeom to transcribe An Outline of the Lotus Sutra for the first time. Each edition of An Outline of the Lotus Sutra transcribed by Singyeom consists of seven accordion-format books. Because it was transcribed in gold on indigo paper, the project required a fair amount of money. Accordingly, each volume records in detail the donors who supported the sutra transcription. The fifth among the seven volumes document how disciples of Toeun Singyeom, including Hoam Choeseon (虎巖最善), Seolsong Jangin (雪松仗仁), Seonam Taejong (仙巖泰宗), Yonggye Dalok (龍溪達玉) or Wonun Dalok (願雲達玉), and Jisun (志詢), formed a mundogye (門徒契, fraternity of disciples) and prepared the expenses needed for their teacher’s sutra transcription (Fig. 23). The mundogye consisted of twenty-four disciples who received dharma (受法) from and were ordained (受戒) by Toeun Singyeom. Among them, Duchan (斗贊), Jisun, Jeonggyu (定奎), Jeongsun (正淳), and Chiseong (致成) served as assistant monk painters when Singyeom produced Buddhist paintings. As shown in the case of the mundogye composed of his dharma-disciples and ordained disciples, Toeun Singyeom had already secured his position at the time as a Seon master with disciples who would succeed his dharma lineage like the old teacher Gwalheo Chwiyeo, surpassing his role as a head monk painter. Fig. 23. An Outline of the Lotus Sutra transcribed by Toeun Singyeom. Joseon, 1821–1823. Cheongryangsa Temple Among Toeun Singyeom’s dharma-disciples, Hoam Choeseon served as a jijeon (持殿, an assistant monk to a ritual officiator) when Singyeom stayed at Baengnyeonam Hermitage in Gounsa Temple as the eldest monk. He held power as a principal monk at Gounsa Temple to such a degree that his portrait was eventually enshrined there (Fig. 24). The imposing presence of Hoam Choeseon at Gounsa proves that Toeun Singyeom was not merely a monk painter but a Seon master whose disciple came to be highly acknowledged in Gyeongsang-do Province Buddhist circles. As Hoam Choeseon assisted Toeun Singyeom at Gounsa Temple, another disciple Yonggye Dalok assumed the role of helping Singyeom maintain his position at Gimryongsa Temple. Yonggye Dalok joined the yeombulgye at Daeseongam Hermitage along with Toeun Singyeom and Singyeom’s foundation of the Hwajangam Hermitage in Gimryongsa Temple. He also trained some Sabulsan school monk painters, including Uiun Jau and Yeongun Changryul (影雲敞律), who inherited the dharma and painting lineage of Singyeom. After Singyeom entered nirvana, his disciples living at Gounsa and Gimryongsa Temples are thought to have played a leading role in enshrining the portrait of Singyeom as a Seon master in Yangjinam Hermitage at Gimryongsa Temple. Fig. 24. Portrait of Hoam Choeseon. Late Joseon—modern era. 112 × 76.6 cm. Ink and color on silk. Gounsa Temple The sixth and seventh volumes of An Outline of the Lotus Sutra record the names of monks from temples in different regions as donors. They include Gyeongsang-do temples such as Gimryongsa, Yongmunsa, Eunhaesa, Gounsa, and Yeongdamsa in Andong, Gangwon-do temples like Geonbongsa in Goseong and Ganjangsa in Samcheok, and Chungcheongbuk-do temples like Silleuksa in Jecheon. The monks that participated in the transcription of the sixth and seventh volumes took on the role of operating agents for the Buddhist projects when Toeun Singyeom worked in the provinces of Chungcheongbuk-do and Gangwon-do. They also appear to have allowed Toeun Singyeom to take full charge of the Buddhist project at Jungheungsa Temple in the Bukhansanseong Fortress in 1828. As discussed so far, Toeun Singyeom tried to faithfully perform his role as a member of the Hwanseong faction by establishing a fraternity for Buddhist recitation and the Baengnyeonam Hermitage. His methods of practicing ascetic disciplines and faith in accumulating merit by transcribing sutras over the course of fourteen years provided other monks active at the time with an opportunity to assemble around him. This aspect of Toeun Singyeom as a Buddhist practitioner might have allowed a perception of Singyeom not just as a monk painter but as a Seon master who inherited the dharma lineage of Gwalheo Chwiyeo. The dharma lineage of Toeun Singyeom was sustained through his dharma-disciples Hoam Choeseon and Yonggye Dalok until the late nineteenth century. When Singyeom entered nirvana, his disciples produced a portrait depicting him as a great Seon master and enshrined it in Daeseongam Hermitage at Gimryongsa Temple where the portrait of Gwalheo Chwiyeo was also enshrined. To the monks in the Hwanseong faction, Toeun Singyeom inspired the perception that monk painters could hold an administrative position, serve as a sutra lecturer, and be a Seon master through their dharma lineage and the practice of ascetic disciplines. He also trained successors, Uiun Jau and Dongho Jincheol (東昊震徹), both of whom became monk painters and came to hold positions as great Seon masters. Conclusion One of the characteristics of late Joseon Buddhist art is that monk artisans were entrusted with the construction and repair of temple buildings, the production and regilding of Buddhist sculptures, the creation of Buddhist paintings, and the casting of temple bells. Accordingly, studies on Buddhist art have focused on the activities of head monk sculptors and head monk painters who led monk artisan groups and on their works. This paper, however, discusses the relationships between monk artisans and the monastic lineages to which they belonged by examining monk artisans and high-ranking monks from the Pyeonyang monastic sub-lineage who led Buddhist projects. In the seventeenth century, before monastic lineages were fully developed, Hwanjeok Uicheon—a disciple of Pyeonyang Eongi—traveled around famous mountains throughout the country and resided at them practicing ascetic disciplines, establishing hermitages and temples, and commissioning the production of Buddhist sculptures. Most notably, in the cases of the Seated Manjusri Bodhisattva at Sangwonsa Temple and Rock-carved Seated Maitreya Buddha at Bongamsa Temple, both of which were commissioned for his private worship, Hwanjeok Uicheon invited monk artisans in the same manner that had been used to invite renowned monk artisans to Buddhist temple projects during the seventeenth century. In addition, Hwanjeok Uicheon commissioned the production of these sculptural images of the two deities as a reflection of the Manjusri faith that had been upheld at Sangwonsa Temple since its foundation and in the tradition of the Maitreya faith that he had espoused since his entry into the Buddhist priesthood at Bokcheonam Hermitage at Beopjusa Temple. This was done in preference to works embodying new faiths. Like Hwanjeok Uicheon, his disciple Soyeong Singyeong participated in several Buddhist projects as a high-ranking member of the monastic lineage in the late seventeenth century. Unlike his teacher, however, Soyeong Singyeong commissioned the production of Buddhist sculptures while maintaining close ties with specific monk sculptors (Daneung and Takmil). He also played an important role in creating a wooden altarpiece of Nine Grades of Rebirth in Amitabha’s Pure Land behind a main sculptural image in a hall, which was a new expression merging sculpture and painting. This study has revealed that Soyeong Singyeong, Daneung, and Takmil formed a relationship as a teacher and disciples from the same monastic lineage in addition to their relationship as commissioner and creators. It has further explored the beliefs and views on ascetic practices of Soyeong Singyeong that are reflected in the Wooden Altarpiece of Nine Grades of Rebirth in Amitabha’s Pure Land at Yongmunsa Temple. Like the case of Soyeong Singyeong, Daneung, and Takmil, the participation of high-ranking monks as operating agents and monk artisans from the same monastic lineages in Buddhist temple projects became more generalized in the production of Buddhist paintings in the eighteenth century. From time to time, monk painters produced Buddhist paintings embodying the beliefs and ideas of their monastic lineages. Toeun Singyeom, who was active in the late eighteenth and the early nineteenth centuries, demonstrated that the status and role of a monk artisan within his monastic lineage were not confined to simply those of artisans or artists. A monastic descendant of Hwanseong Jian who inherited the dharma lineage of Pyeonyang Eongi, Toeun Singyeom fostered a wide network among several inner groups within the Hwanseong faction in the Pyeonyang monastic sub-lineage dispersed across the provinces of Gyeongsang-do, Chungcheongbuk-do, and Gangwon-do through his involvement in the yeombulgye and the transcription of the Commentary and Sub-commentary on the Avatamsaka Sutra and An Outline of the Lotus Sutra. Moreover, the Buddhist paintings that he created using new iconography and conventions were fully understood by members of his monastic lineage and enshrined at multiple temples. Not just as a monk painter, but as a Seon master who inherited the dharma lineage of Hwanseong Jian, Toeun Singyeom attracted a number of dharma-disciples. Among them, Yonggye Dalok and Hoam Choeseon respectively established themselves as high-ranking monks at Gimryongsa Temple and Gounsa Temple. Portraits depicting them as Seon masters are enshrined at these temples. The influence of Toeun Singyeom continued through the late nineteenth century, and the Sabulsan painting school produced monks who both served as monk painters and rose to the status of a Seon master like Toeun Singyeom. It is unlikely that all monk artisans of the late Joseon period developed and engaged in artistic activities based on their original monastic lineages and produced works reflecting the thinking of the monastic lineages that supported them as were the cases with Soyeong Singyeong and the monk sculptors Daneung and Takmil from the Pyeonyang monastic sub-lineage in the late seventeenth century as well as Toeun Singyeom from the Hwanseong faction of the Pyeonyang monastic sub-lineage in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth century. Nevertheless, it is a clear fact that monastic lineages, which were considered the backbone of late Joseon Buddhism, impacted the artistic activities of monk artisans.

Excavations have recently taken place outside Wolseong Fortress at sites in the environs of the “Donggung Palace and Wolji Pond in Gyeongju” locale, as well as in the area of the nearby Balcheon Stream site. This has facilitated a full-fledged discussion on the expansion of the Silla palace complex into the outskirts of Wolseong Fortress during the late seventh century CE. It is well known that the grounds of the Silla palace complex, which had mainly been limited to the area within Wolseong Fortress, extended further beyond the fortress walls in the seventh century CE. The now commonly accepted view is that the Silla palace complex encompassed not only Donggung Palace and Wolji Pond but also reached Cheomseongdae Observatory. However, discussions have only recently begun to consider the changes that took place in the area that was newly incorporated into the palace complex, or discuss the types of facilities built in that area. This article therefore examines the transformations that occurred in the area newly incorporated into the palace complex in the latter half of the seventh century by tracing the spatial reorganization that took place, as is evidenced through the sites around Wolji Pond and the area around the Balcheon Stream site. The Location of Dongji Pond (東池) and Its Relationship with Wolji Pond (月池) An account from the fourteenth year of King Munmu (文武王)’s reign (674) in the Samguk Sagi (三國史記) records that “a pond was dug in the palace grounds and an island was constructed, where flowers and grasses were planted and rare birds and strange animals were kept.” Based on this, it was thought that Wolji Pond was first constructed in 674 CE, but evidence contrary to this statement has also been discovered. During the excavation of Wolji Pond (1975-76), the cross-section of the pond’s west bank was also investigated in order to establish how the pond’s retaining wall (護岸石築, K. hoanseokchuk) had been built. As a result, it was possible to identify traces of earth that had previously been disturbed by human activity. This indicates that a pond had existed at the location of Wolji Pond prior to the construction of its stone retaining wall (Cho Yoojeon 1981). If that was indeed the case, what then did the pond look like prior to the construction of the stone retaining wall and the artificial island in 674 CE? Wolji Pond is located where groundwater —trapped in the areas to the east and southeast of the pond— erupts through the ground surface (Hwang Sangil et al. 2010), and so the formation of a natural pond through water accumulation is inevitable. As such, it may be that the pond that existed prior to 674 was a natural, rather than artificially built, pond. The two following accounts in Samguk Sagi can be considered in relation to this possibility. Historical account A-1 (dating to 253 CE): “In the summer, during the fourth month of the year, a dragon appeared in the palace’s eastern pond, and the fallen cherry blossom tree in the southern part of Geumseong Fortress (金城) became upright once again all on its own.”Historical account A-2 (dating to 262 CE): “In the spring, during the third month of the year, a dragon appeared in the palace’s eastern pond. In the autumn, in the seventh month of the year, the West Gate (西門) of Geumseong Fortress (金城) caught fire, and the fire spread to burn around 300 houses of the populace.” According to Historical accounts A-1 and A-2, a dragon is said to have appeared in the eastern pond of the palace. The palace is mentioned separately to Geumseong Fortress, making it possible to suggest that the “palace” refers to Wolseong Fortress. Therefore, it is logical to try to find the traces of this pond in the eastern part of Wolseong Fortress. In relation to this, the following accounts that appear in Samguk Yusa (三國遺事) should also be considered. Historical account B-1: “In the eulhae year (795), the eleventh year after the King (Wonseong, 元聖王) ascended to the throne, a Tang (唐) diplomatic envoy stayed in the capital city for a month before returning home. The day after, two women came to the inner court (內庭) and said: ’We are the wives of the two dragons residing in Dongji Pond (東池, eastern pond) and the Cheongji Pond (靑池, blue pond)...”Historical account B-2: “In the summer of the following year, the gaboh year (754), the King invited the illustrious monk ( 大徳), Beophye (法海), once again to Hwangnyongsa Temple (皇龍寺) to give a lecture on the Avatamsaka Sutra (The Flower Ornament Scripture, 華嚴經, K. hwaeomgyeong), and arrived in a procession riding a palanquin and burning incense (...). In the daytime during the lecture, the incense burner was brought close to the king and the atmosphere was serene, when a short time afterwards a crying sound came from the court (内禁). A palace official came running and reported that “Dongji Pond has greatly overflowed and around fifty rooms of the buildings forming the palace’s internal quarters (內殿) have been swept away.” According to Historical accounts B-1 and B-2, a dragon resided in Dongji Pond, and in 754, the pond overflowed, sweeping away around fifty rooms units of the buildings forming the palace’s internal quarters. This indicates that Dongji Pond was located close to the internal quarters, and they were considerably large quarters. If this is the case, then where would the palace’s internal quarters have been located? Up until the present, a pond dating to the Unified Silla Period has yet to be discovered within Wolseong Fortress. Given the fact that Wolseong Fortress is located in a hilly area, even if there was indeed a pond located within the fortress walls, its size is unlikely to have been big enough to contain water that could sweep away fifty rooms of buildings. In addition, although Dongji Pond is said to have overflowed in the summer of 754 (according to Historical account B-2), it is recorded in the Samguk Sagi that there was a drought in the eighth month of the year 754. It is therefore unlikely that such sudden rainfall in the summer of 754 would have led to the overflowing of Dongji Pond. As such, the only other likely possibility for explaining the overflowing of Dongji Pond is an eruption of a spring. However, the area within Wolseong Fortress is hilly and therefore not a place where springs erupt (Fig. 1). Due to this fact, it becomes difficult to find the location of Dongji Pond and, concomitantly, the location of the palace’s internal quarters within Wolseong Fortress. Fig. 1. A cross-section of the center of the hilly landscape where Wolseong Fortress is located It could be suggested, therefore, that the possible location of Dongji Pond could be established by determining the location outside Wolseong Fortress where the palace’s internal quarters could have been situated. Areas to the north or southeast of Wolsong Fortress are generally understood to have been the sites of government offices and their annex buildings, and therefore cannot be considered as likely settings for the palace’s internal quarters. In addition, building complexes comprising approximately fifty rooms or more of buildings have yet to be identified in the areas to the north or southeast of Wolsong Fortress. As a result, we cannot help but focus on the buildings remains identified around Wolji Pond. It was recently suggested that the building complex located to the west of Wolji Pond was used not by the Crown Prince but by the Silla King (Yoon Mubyeong 2010; Choi Yeongseong 2014; Yoon Seontae 2019; Lee Hyuntae 2020a; 2020b; Lee Dong-joo 2020). In addition, the results of a geophysical survey revealed that Wolji Pond and the area to its north were not defined by using walls as spatial boundaries. Moreover, this area was found to have housed a large building complex aligned in an orderly matter along a North-South axis. This suggests that the spatial zone associated with Wolji Pond may have extended further to the north. In contrast to this, the areas to the south and east of Wolji Pond have yielded very little evidence of large building complexes, making it difficult to believe that the palace’s internal quarters may have been situated there. As such, it is proposed that the building complexes identified through geophysical survey in the areas to the west and north of Wolji Pond can be interpreted as the palace’s internal quarters mentioned in the Historical account B-2. If this interpretation is accepted as being plausible, then it can be further used to establish the location of Dongji Pond. From the perspective of an individual standing in the area north of Wolji Pond (i.e. the presumed location of the palace’s internal quarters), Wolji Pond is located to the south. In addition, located to the northeast of Wolji Pond are several other ponds: the pond identified to the south of the Hwangnyongsa Temple History and Culture Center (K. Hwangnyongsa yeoksamunhwagwan), the pond located to the northwest of Hwangnyongsa Temple (皇龍寺址, K. Hwangnyongsaji), and the Guhwang-dong garden pond. Of these ponds, the only one to have been located close to the palace’s internal quarters in the eighth century and large enough to contain an amount of water sufficient to sweep away around fifty rooms of buildings is Wolji Pond. As such, Wolji Pond can be established as the “eastern pond” (i. e. Dongji Pond) that appears in the historical records. Given that Wolji Pond is located to the east of Wolseong Fortress, it can indeed be referred to as the “eastern pond.” In addition, Wolji Pond drains out to the north; this fact is in concurrence with the historical account of the buildings of the palace’s internal quarters being swept away by the flooding of Dongji Pond. Noticeably, located north of Wolji Pond is Gaeseokgok Valley (開析谷), the largest valley of the capital city. Through this valley, Balcheon Stream flows from the east to the west. Due to this, the area north of Wolji Pond cannot help but be saturated with water (Fig. 2). It should be noted that, of the erupting springs located in the Gyeongju Basin, the one feeding Wolji Pond is the greatest in terms of water volume (Hwang Sangil et al. 2010); it is this water from Wolji Pond that flows into Balcheon Stream. The natural geography of Wolji Pond and the area to the north therefore provides the ideal conditions for an event such as the one described in Historical account B-2 (i.e. fifty rooms of buildings forming the palace’s internal quarters being swept away by the flooding of Dongji Pond) to take place. As for the mention of a dragon residing in Dongji Pond included in the Historical account B-1, it is worth pointing out that several pottery vessels featuring the inscription “Sinsim Yongwang” (辛審龍王) have been recovered from Wolji Pond. Based on the aforementioned evidence, it is possible to argue, with at least some degree of certainty, that Wolji Pond is indeed the same body of water referred to in historical texts as both “the eastern pond” and “Dongji Pond.” Fig. 2. The distribution of streams fed by erupting springs and waterlogged areas in the Gyeongju Basin It is therefore likely that Wolji Pond was originally referred to as the “Dongji Pond” but was provided with a new name, “Wolji,” following large-scale maintenance works undertaken at the pond in 674 CE, which involved the construction of a stone retention wall. This means that there were two names in use—“Dongji Pond” and “Wolji Pond”—referring to the same pond. The Nature of Building Complex Situated to the West of Wolji Pond and the Background behind the Selection of Its Location According to Samguk Sagi, in the second month of 679 CE, King Munmu renovated the palaces into a grander and more elaborate form, and in the eighth month built Donggung Palace (東宮). It is based on this account that the construction of the buildings around Wolji Pond is believed to have taken place since 679 CE. More recently, however, studies suggest that the buildings located to the south of Wolji Pond had already been constructed prior to 679 CE (Lee Sangjoon 2020). If this is the case, then it appears that the refurbishment of the pond in 674 CE and the large-scale construction of palaces in 679 CE took place when a pond, as well as some buildings, already existed in the area of Wolji Pond. Previously, the building complex located to the west of the Wolji Pond (which likely represented the center of the building complexes around the pond) was linked to the “Donggung Palace” (東宮) mentioned in historical texts and interpreted as a palace complex used by the Crown Prince, rather than the Silla King. As mentioned above, however, it has recently been proposed that the space may have been used by the Silla King and not the Crown Prince. This view becomes more plausible when the layout of the building complex to the west of Wolji Pond is examined. Central to this building complex are Buildings A, B, and C, which face southwards and share the same central axis. In addition, these three buildings are situated within a central courtyard (中庭, K. jungjeong) formed by a surrounding corridor (回廊, K. hoerang) and transepts (翼廊, K. ikrang) (Figs. 3 and 4). This type of layout and the way in which Wolji Pond was renovated into a secret garden of sorts may have been influenced by the Three Courts (三朝, K. samjo) layout (Hanyuan Hall, Xuanzheng Hall, Zichen Hall) and Taiye Pond (太液池) of the Tang Dynasty’s Daming Palace (Yoon Mubyeong 2010; Kim Sangtae 2014; Lee Hyuntae 2020a). In particular, Building A is certain to have served as the throne hall (正殿, K. jeongjeon) since pillars are absent in an area measuring four rooms located in the center of the building. Stone features that appears to form the “king’s path” (踏道, K. dapdo) were also laid out in front of the pair of stairs located to the front of the building. Therefore, Building A and its associated central courtyard can be interpreted as having formed the Outer Court (外朝, K. oejo); Building B and its central courtyard – the Middle Court (中朝, K. jungjo); and Building C and its central courtyard – the Inner Court (內朝, K. naejo). Fig. 3. A bird's-eye view of the building complex located to the west of Wolji Pond (reconstruction based on excavation) Fig. 4. Layout of the reconstructed building complex located to the west of Wolji Pond Building A and its central courtyard is likely to have been the place where joha (朝賀) ritual assemblies and state ceremonies, such as the meeting of foreign dignitaries, took place. Buildings B and C were where daily administrative affairs were dealt with, and also provided a place for banquets with officials and generals when needed (Lee Hyuntae 2020a; 2020b). In other words, the building complex located to the west of Wolji Pond functioned as a place where important state rituals and events took place, as well as a place of royal administration and control. The nature of the buildings located around Wolji Pond can be further interpreted in diverse ways according to how the palace’s “internal quarters” mentioned in Historical account B-2 are understood. The palace’s internal quarters are generally thought to have been comprised of a pyeonjeon (便殿, the main office where the King undertook administrative duties), a chimjeon (寢殿, where the daily routines of the King took place), buildings where the Queen Consort and concubines resided, and buildings for those who served the King, Queen Consort, and concubines, as well as the court ladies (Jeon Deukjae 2009). Either Building B or C, located to the west of Wolji Pond, is highly likely to have served as the pyeonjeon. In this way, the throne hall, the main office, and the buildings central to the running of the kingdom were all located in the vicinity of Wolji Pond. However, if this is the case, then why did King Munmu decide to situate such an important building complex outside the walls of Wolseong Fortress? One possibility is that the area within Wolseong Fortress was already highly built up, making it difficult to find room for a plot of land on which large buildings sharing a common, north-south axis could be built. Then what may have been the reason that—of all the plots of land that could have been used following the expansion of the palace complex beyond the walls of Wolseong Fortress— such an important building complex was built on the plot of land located to the south of Wolji Pond? Particular reasons can be further explored in association with Historical accounts A-1, A-2, and B-1. Prior to the construction of the building complex located to the west of Wolji Pond in the late seventh century, Dongji Pond (i.e. Wolji Pond) was known as a place where a dragon appeared (Historical accounts A-1 and A-2), and Historical account B-1 indicates that this belief persisted into the end of the eighth century. The dragon is widely known as a Water God (水神, K. susin), controller of water, as well as a symbol of the King. Therefore, the reason that the King’s main area of activity (represented by the Three Courts) was located next to Dongji Pond may have been due to the belief that a dragon, imbued with the spirt of kings, appeared and resided at that spot. In addition, the establishment of an arena for state rituals and activities, as well as a place where the administrative duties of the King were carried out, at a location where the spirt of kings was present in this manner may have functioned as a means of displaying the enhancement of royal authority and the might of the newly unified kingdom. In this process of augmenting royal authority and laying down the foundations of the kingdom’s “state protection” (護國, K. hoguk) ideology, pre-existing perceptions of the “dragon of Dongji Pond” may have been actively utilized. This is reflected in Historical account B-1, in which the dragon residing in Dongji Pond is perceived as a “State Protector Dragon” (護國龍, K. hogukryong). It is along this same line of thought that the use of Wolji Pond as a ceremonial stage for the “Dragon King Ritual” (龍王祭, K. yongwangje) can be understood. This is evidenced by the discovery of several pottery vessels featuring the inscription “Sinsim Yongwang” (辛審龍王) at Wolji Pond (i.e. Dongji Pond) (Fig. 5) and the establishment of the “Office of the Dragon King” (龍王典, K. yongwangjeon) as one of the government offices belonging to Donggung Palace (東宮官, K. Donggungkwan). It must also be pointed out that such an arrangement would have conveyed to those participating in the Dragon King Ritual the message that Wolji Pond and its environs represented the heart of the Silla Kingdom, which was imbued with the spirit of kings and where the State Protector Dragon resided. Fig. 5. A pottery vessel featuring the inscription “Sinsim Yongwang” (辛審龍王) recovered from Wolji Pond The fact that the dragon was regarded as a Water God, controller of water, should also be borne in mind when making interpretations on the area around Wolji Pond. Analysis of the paleogeography of the Gyeongju Basin has revealed that a considerable portion of the land around Wolseong Fortress would have been waterlogged due to streams fed by erupting springs (Fig. 2). Therefore, the infilling of waterlogged land and the establishment of earthen foundations was required in order to utilize the area around Wolseong Fortress. The remains of such earthen foundations have been identified in the area east of Wolji Pond, as well as around Building A in the area to the west. The process of infilling waterlogged land and establishing earthen foundations represents, in a sense, the process of managing and controlling water, all of which was overseen by the Silla King at the pinnacle of the administrative pyramid. The dragon is generally regarded as a being that tends to live in the water, a controller of wind, rain, lightening, and thunder, and a creator of water (風雨雷震, K. pungunoejin) (Cho Beopjong 2002). In addition, the dragon mentioned in the Historical accounts A-1, A-2, and B-2 can be classified as a “pond dragon” (池龍, K. jiryong), which was regarded as a powerful being associated with the construction of ponds and the management of water (Kang Yeonggyeong 2002). Taking these facts into consideration, it is possible to suggest that the act of refurbishing the pond (where the dragon resided) with a stone retention wall, as well as the establishment of an area around the pond where key activities of the King took place, can be regarded as a symbolic act of transferring the dragon’s quality of being a Water God, controller of the water, to the King. This is particularly likely, given that King Munmu is said to have relayed in everyday contexts his hopes “to become a ‘great dragon, protector of the state (護國大龍, K. hogukdaery-ong)’ after death, upholding Buddhist ways and guarding the kingdom” (as recorded in the Samguk Yusa). The development of waterlogged lands around the “dragon palace” (龍宮, K. Yongkung) and the establishment of Hwangnyongsa Temple (皇龍寺) in the mid-sixth century was an act of great symbolism, intended to strengthen royal authority (Yang Jeongseok 2004). The establishment of the building complex to the west of Wolji Pond in the late seventh century, in contrast, can be understood as a proclamation, for all to see, of the King’s confidence in being able to control the waters as he saw fit. In addition, the construction of grand buildings—such as the throne room—in an area that had been reclaimed through control over water, can be interpreted as an act imbued with the intention to display the increasing royal authority of the time. King Munmu’s establishment of the building complex to the west of Wolji Pond can also be implied as an attempt to transfer the image of the dragon, as a symbol of the King and a Water God with control over water, to the King. To summarize, if Hwangnyongsa Temple was used to express the strengthening of royal authority in Silla’s Middle Ancient Period (中古期, K. Silla junggogi), then from the late seventh century, the building complex located to the west of Wolji Pond was used to express the newly established royal authority of Silla’s Middle Period (中代, K. Silla jungdae). The Site of the Building with Front and Rear Toekan Excavated in the Balcheon Stream Area and the Nature of the Archaeological Features in Its Environs As discussed above, the overall renovation of Wolji Pond in 674 CE and the building of a palace complex that followed the Tang Three Court (三朝, K. samjo) system next to Wolji Pond in 679 CE was a planned large-scale construction event. The spatial range of this planned construction was, however, not limited to the area around Wolji Pond, as can clearly be seen through the excavations that have recently taken place at the Balcheon Stream site (Fig. 6). A stone waterway feature was unearthed during excavations at the Balcheon Stream site. It is believed to continue eastwards, eventually connecting to the water opening (出水口, K. chulsugu) of Wolji Pond (Fig. 6 and 7). A large-scale earthen foundation layer was identified around the base of the stone waterway feature, and the way in which the stones were stacked was found to be similar to that of the stone retention wall of Wolji Pond, as well as the stone moat of Wolseong Fortress. This indicates that the Balcheon Stream site is associated with the renovation works that took place in the area of Wolji Pond and its environs from 674 to 679 CE. This possibility is further backed by the discovery of stamped-design pottery sherds and assorted roof tiles within the earthen foundation layer of the site. Fig. 6. The Balcheon Stream site under excavation In addition to the stone waterway feature, there are several other archaeological features identified at the Balcheon Stream site that are worthy of attention. Of particular interest are the remains of a stone bridge that measured over 11.2 meters in length, located to the west of the presumed site of the North Gate (北門址, K. bukmunji) of Wolseong Fortress (where the Stone Ice Storage currently sits), and a road (paved with fine gravel) that leads off from both sides of the bridge in a north-south direction (Fig. 7). The width of this road measures approximately twenty meters in the area north of the stone bridge site. Excavated at a position located directly to the north of the stone bridge was a single foundation stone (round in cross-section) and two stone-packed timber supports which may possibly be interpreted as the remains of a gate. Until now, the North Gate of Wolseong Palace has been regarded to have functioned as the main entrance (Yeo Hogyu 2002). As such, it is hoped that the investigation of the remains of the stone bridge and the road extending in a north-south direction will help to answer questions regarding the main entrance of Wolseong Fortress. Fig. 7. Remains of a stone bridge and stone waterway unearthed at the Balcheon Stream site Another type of interesting archaeological feature excavated from the Balcheon Stream site is a building, represented by stone-packed timber supports, located in Area 10 (Figs. 8 and 9). This building is aligned along a north-south axis, and currently measures four rooms in width and three rooms in depth. However, given that this archaeological feature has been found to extend to the north (in the non-excavated area), it is likely that the true dimensions of the building extended beyond four rooms in width (Fig. 9). What is of particular interest is the fact that this building features both a front and rear toekan (前後退間). In the Gyeongju region, such front and rear toekan buildings have only been identified at the sites of temple buildings where Buddha statues were once placed (such as the site of the Main Hall of Gameunsa Temple or the sites of the Vairocana Buddha Hall [Birojeon] or Avalokitesvara’s Shrine [Gwaneumjeon] at Bulguksa Temple). In later periods, front and rear toekan buildings were frequently used as the Confucian shrine halls of hyanggyo (鄕校, government-run provincial Confucian schools) of the Joseon Dynasty. The Yeongnyeongjeon (永寧殿) building of Jongmyo, the Confucian shrine of Kings and Queens of the Joseon Dynasty, is also a front and rear toekan building. Such front and rear toekan buildings were usually designed so that they are greater in width than depth, resulting in a grand appearance when viewed from the front. This layout also provides greater space that can be used for worship or rituals. Fig. 8. A building site with stone-packed timber supports and other surrounding archaeological features from Area 10 of the Balcheon Stream site Fig. 9. Layout of the building with stone-packed timber supports and other surrounding archaeological features from Area 10 of the Balcheon Stream site In front and rear toekan buildings, the front toekan section is mainly used as the area where bowing takes place, and the object of worship —be it a statue of Buddha or the tablet of the person being commemorated —is generally placed in the rear toekan section. It can be expected that a similar use of space took place at the front and rear toekan building excavated at the Balcheon Stream site. Given that no evidence linking the remains of the Balcheon Stream site to a temple complex has yet to be found, it appears more plausible to interpret the front and rear toekan building as a place where rituals took place. The nature of the archaeological features unearthed around the building provides support for this possibility. Located directly to the south of the southeast stone filled timber support of the front and rear toekan building is a well (Fig. 10), the base of which was made using the sherds of large jar vessels. Such an example in which large jar vessel sherds were used to form the base of a well is rare. The well is not deep, measuring just over two meters. In addition, the well was located very close to one of the building’s stone-packed timber supports, which is a very unusual occurrence. These lines of evidence suggest that the well may have served a special function, rather than being a mere supplier of water. Both the Jongmyo Shrine (宗廟) and Sajikdan Altar (社稷壇) of the Joseon Dynasty feature wells that provided sacred water (明水, K. myeongsu) used during rituals or the water used to prepare the ritual offerings of food placed in front of ancestral tablets (神廚, K. sinju). Using this later practice as an example, it may be presumed that a well located in such a close proximity to the front and rear toekan building also served a similar function. Fig. 10. The well unearthed at Area 10 of the Balcheon Stream site A stone structure and a drain paved with tiles (Fig. 11) located close to the southeast section of the front and rear toekan building is also of interest. This stone structure consisted of a round stacked stone feature which had been built upon a rectangular stone foundation feature piled along the same axis as the tiled drain. As such, the stone structure may at first appear to be a well, but the presence of a hidden drainage facility located beneath the stone structure, which connects to a tiled drain, makes it possible to infer that water passing through the tiled drain would have reached the adjacent pond or have been fed into the stone waterway. It is therefore likely that the stone structure functioned as the entrance of an artesian spring, which acted as a water source (Jeong Taeyeol 2021). In addition, it appears that there was a tile roofed structure or house located above the stone structure and tiled drain based on the presence of three to four stone-packed timber supports placed in a symmetrical layout. These stone-packed timber supports were constructed by digging into the deliberately infilled earthen layer, which indicates that the tile roof structure was built around the same time (c. 674-79) as the stone structure and tiled drain that it was meant to protect. Fig. 11. The stone structure and tiled waterway unearthed at Area 10 of the Balcheon Stream site Interestingly enough, a similar structure was discovered during the excavation of a garden pond at the site of Asuka-kyo (the Capital of Asuka, 飛鳥京) in Japan. In 2019, a stone structure that functioned as the entrance of an artesian spring, a tiled waterway through which the spring water flowed, and a wide stone paved area flanking the tiled waterway, etc. were unearthed in the northeast corner area of the north pond (which formed part of a garden pond) of Asuka-kyo (Fig. 12). The fact that such a stone structure was installed at the location where spring water erupted, as well as the fact that this spring water was conveyed to the pond via a tiled waterway, are both similar in terms of outward appearance and function to the facilities identified at the Balcheon Stream site. Further investigation has revealed that the stone retention wall of the north pond and the stone structure were both constructed around the mid-seventh century, when the north pond was first built. The tiled waterway and wide stone paved area which flanks it, on the other hand, were laid out during the renovations that took place in the late seventh century. It is important to note that these archaeological features from Asuka-kyo have also been interpreted as being associated with water-related rituals (Archaeological Institute of Kashihara, Nara Prefecture 2019; Jeong Taeyeol 2021). Fig. 12. The stone structure and tiled waterway associated with the north pond of Asuka-kyo The fact that archaeological features similar to the “stone structure and tiled waterway” identified at the Balcheon Stream site have also been interpreted as having been used for water-related rituals adds support to the claim, proposed above, that the front and rear toekan building may have also been associated with rituals. If the front and rear toekan building can be seen as having served a ritual purpose, and if it can be identified as having been located within the newly expanded area of the palace complex, then it may be possible to suggest that the building functioned as a facility where state rituals took place. However, due to the fact that the front and rear toekan building faces to the east, it cannot be said that this single building alone would have formed the arena where state rituals took place. It is more likely that, as in the case of the building complex located to the north of Gyerim, there was originally a building complex consisting of buildings laid out in a ‘⊓’-shaped manner, of which only the western section has been partially revealed through excavation. The results of the investigations undertaken at the Balcheon Stream site thus far suggest that the front and rear toekan building, along with the well, stone structure, and tiled waterway, etc. located nearby, represent state ritual facilities. If this is indeed the case, then King Munmu’s act of “renovating the palaces” as relayed in the Samguk Sagi, involved not only the large-scale maintenance of the palace buildings but also the construction of state ritual facilities. This can be seen to reflect the process of renewing the place of royal control and administration as well as establishing ritual institutions in the late seventh century following the active adoption of Tang (唐) culture. Conclusion The spatial rearrangement of the area surrounding Wolseong Fortress, as well as the area of Balcheon Stream, was not merely limited to renovating existing palace buildings to enhance their splendor and to constructing Donggung Palace. In the late seventh century, not only did King Munmu initiate the construction of large buildings displaying authority (including the Throne Room) along a north-south axis in the area around Wolji Pond, but he also instigated the expansion of the sphere of royal formal activity to areas beyond the walls of Wolseong Fortress, by establishing state ritual facilities in the northern part of the Balcheon Stream area. This was an act of great significance as it represented the removal of the central axis of government administration from the area within Wolseong Fortress to the area around Wolji Pond. The establishment of state ritual facilities in the area of Balcheon Stream is also of great significance. As is well known, the key ritual facilities of the state (such as the ancestral shrine for the Kings and Queens of the state and the altar where rituals for the Gods of the Earth and Crops took place) were also located outside the boundaries of the Imperial City (皇城, K. Hwangseong) in the Tang Dynasty. King Munmu, on the other hand, placed such state ritual facilities within the boundaries of Silla’s capital city (in the northern part of the Balcheon Stream site) when rearranging the area surrounding Wolseong Fortress. This indicates that King Munmu’s active adoption of Tang cultural elements and institutions in the late seventh century was based on an innovative adoption of the Chinese Capital City System in which changes were made so that this foreign system could fit better with the conditions of Silla. Additionally, it is of interest to note, in association with the fact that the spatial reorganization of the area around Wolji Pond and Balcheon Stream took place in the late seventh century, that the fully-fledged development of the area to the south of Hwangnyongsa Temple took place from around the eighth century. Of the sites found in the area of Hwangnyongsa Temple and its environs, only Hwangnyongsa Temple itself, Bunhwangsa Temple, and the garden pond at the Guhwang-dong site can be dated to before the late seventh century, which is an interesting phenomenon. The plaza-like road (measuring fifty meters in width) located to the south of Hwangnyongsa Temple is believed to have been laid out as part of the same development plan which involved the construction of Building 26 of Area Ga (located to the east of Wolji Pond and interpreted as the East Gate of the “Donggung Palace and Wolji Pond” complex), but it has been dated to the turn of the eighth century. In other words, the time of its construction was around twenty years later than that of both Building 26 of Area Ga, located to the east of Wolji Pond, and the building complex located to the west of Wolji Pond. Artifacts that date to before the seventh century have also rarely been discovered in the area to the south of the plaza-like road. This indicates that fully-fledged development of the area to the south of Hwangnyongsa Temple into an urban landscape took place from the eighth century. The above sequences of development make it possible to suggest that the spatial rearrangement of the area around Wolji Pond also acted as an impetus for the urban transformation of the area south of Hwangnyongsa Temple. This, therefore, may also be understood as yet another aspect of the significance of the spatial rearrangement of the area surrounding Wolseong Fortress in the late seventh century. Fig. 13. The area outside Wolseong Fortress reorganized in the late seventh century, including Donggung Palace, Wolji Pond, and the Balcheon Stream site

Silla was an ancient Korean state that existed from 57 BCE to 935 CE. Even in the present day, numerous tombs with high mounds dating to the Silla period can be seen in Gyeongju, which remained the capital throughout the state’s existence. The representative cultural heritage item symbolizing ancient Silla is the gold crown. Such gold crowns have been unearthed from tombs at burial grounds of the highest status, making it highly likely that they were once in the possession of kings, queens, or royalty. To date, a total of six Silla gold crowns have been identified on the Korean Peninsula. Apart from the gold crown that is known to have been looted from a derelict tomb in Gyo-dong, Gyeongju, the remaining five were recovered, respectively, during excavations that took place in the following tombs: the North Mound of the Hwangnamdaechong Tomb, Geumgwanchong Tomb, Seobongchong Tomb, Geumryeongchong Tomb, and Cheonmachong Tomb. Of these, the Seobongchong Tomb is a wooden chamber tomb covered with a stone mound and an earthen layer dating to the Silla period which is located in Gyeongju’s city center. It was first excavated in 1926, during the period of Japanese colonial occupation in Korea. From 2016 to 2017, it was excavated once again, this time by the National Museum of Korea, revealing new artifacts and providing additional information on the tomb’s size and structure (National Museum of Korea 2020). A wide range of grave goods were unearthed at the Seobongchong Tomb: a gold crown, ornaments (such as gold earrings, gold belt accessories, and other items), a silver container bearing the inscription “延壽元年” (“The First Year of the Yeonsu Reign Era”), lacquerware, glass vessels, various horse gear items, farming tools and other types of everyday tools. Interestingly enough, the grave goods assemblage did not include any weapons, which led researchers to infer that the deceased was female (National Museum of Korea 2014). The gold crown from the Seobongchong Tomb has a dome-shaped internal structure decorated with a bird-shaped attachment; it is the sole example of a Silla crown featuring such an internal structure. The artifacts examined in this paper comprise one gold crown and six curved beads excavated from Tomb No. 129 at Noseo-dong in Gyeongju (known as the “Seobongchong Tomb”) (Table 1). The gold crown was repaired more than once after its excavation. Due to these repairs, the shape of the crown became partially deformed, and the need to return the artifact to its original shape was proposed. The nature of the shape deformation was introduced in detail in a thematic exhibition, New Scientific Revelations about the Gold Crown from the Seobong-chong Tomb, hosted by the National Museum of Korea in 2015, and an estimated reconstruction of the gold crown was also provided (National Museum of Korea 2015). Subsequently, conservation treatment was carried out over a period of approximately five months from March to July in 2016, with the purpose of returning the gold crown to its original shape and to ensure the safe management of the artifact. This paper outlines the process of conservation undertaken on the gold crown from the Seobongchong Tomb and introduces the crown’s manufacturing techniques as was identified during the conservation treatment process. In addition, the manufacturing techniques of the Seobongchong Tomb gold crown are compared with those of other similar Silla crowns in order to establish the unique characteristics of the Seobongchong Tomb gold crown. Table 1. The Objects of Conservation Treatment and Measurements An Object of Research and Its State Prior to Conservation Treatment The Basic Shape of Silla Gold Crowns Silla crowns, which were produced according to an extremely formulaic style, consist of headband-shaped crown bases to which tree branch-shaped uprights were affixed. An in-depth archaeological study on such ancient Silla headband-shaped crowns was undertaken by Ham Soon Seop (Ham Soon Seop 2012; 2014). Each Silla crown features three vertical uprights with opposite branches, one positioned at the center of the crown, facing forwards, and one on either side. Flanking the side tree branch-shaped uprights is a pair of angled uprights with alternate branches. The crown headband and upright decorations are additionally adorned using round gold spangles and curved beads (曲玉, K. gogok) that are attached with gold wire. Presented in Fig. 1 is the planar figure of the gold crown and images of the gold crown that were originally published in the Seobongchong Tomb excavation report, additionally edited by listing the names of each crown component. Fig. 1. Names of the parts of the Silla headband crown with tree-shaped uprights Investigation Prior to Conservation Treatment The form, structural characteristics, and repaired sections of the artifact, as well as the degree of damage, was investigated in detail through the production of actual measurement drawings, observations with the naked eye, photography, and inspection under a microscope. In addition, related records and the excavation report were used to compare the present state of the artifact with its original state at the time of discovery in order to identify the sections of the gold crown in which shape deformation had occurred, and to establish a conservation treatment plan. Gold Crown The gold crown has a height of approximately 36 cm, a diameter of approximately 18 cm, and is made of a gold and silver alloy. The main body of the crown was made using a gold sheet (purity 19-20 K); the gold content of its attached parts differs slightly according to the type (Yoo Hyeseon et al. 2014; Shin Yongbi 2021). The crown consists of a long rectangular headband (55.5×3.7 cm), to which three three-tiered vertical uprights with opposite branches and two angled uprights with alternate branches are affixed (Figs. 1 and 2). The inside of the crown additionally features a dome-shaped structure made with gold bands intersecting at a right angle and affixed to the front, rear, left, and right parts of the crown’s headband. The band affixed to the left and right parts of the headband measures 56.6×1.6 cm while the band affixed to the front and back parts of the headband measures 56.8×1.6 cm. At the point where the two bands intersect, this dome-shaped decoration is adorned with an ornament made of gold sheet that is in the form of a branch with three birds sitting at the end of it. All of the components forming the gold crown’s structure—the headband, uprights, dome-shaped decoration, bird-shaped ornamental piece—were assembled together using gold rivets. In addition, the crown was decorated using round gold spangles that were made by punching holes into gold sheets, and with curved beads made of jade or glass. Several of the curved beads are missing or have been damaged. Fig. 2. Before conservation treatment: 1) front, 2) rear, 3) right, 4) left Curved Beads The curved beads, amounting to six in total, are not uniform in nature but rather vary in their size, shape, and material. Five of the beads were made of jade and one was made of glass. The glass curved bead is made of a bluish translucent material; half of the section featuring a hole (which can be seen as its “head”) was broken off and attached with an adhesive. In the case of the five curved jade beads, the holes contained some bits of a gold wire. The composition of the gold wire is the same as that of the gold wire of the curved jade beads currently affixed to the crown’s headband (National Museum of Korea 2015). Traces of Repair Traces of repair on the gold crown could be observed prior to conservation treatment. Parts of the damaged bird-shaped ornamental piece had been repaired using an adhesive. Other damaged sections were repaired by affixing an additional metal plate to the rear using adhesive; metal wire was then used as an additional affixing measure (Fig. 5). The base of the bird-shaped ornamental piece had originally been bent into an “L” shape and affixed to the top of the crown’s dome-shaped decoration, but this base part was found to have been broken off. The remaining section of the bird-shaped ornamental piece was affixed to the crown by adding a pair of L-shaped bronze plates to either side; they were then attached to the dome-shaped decoration by a metal wire that was wound around the entire section. At the time of its discovery, the entire crown had been pressed flat (Fig. 3), but in the photograph that was taken afterwards, the crown appears in a reconstructed state, with the dome-shaped decoration and parts of the bird-shaped ornamental piece also repaired (Fig. 4). The crown that appears in Fig. 4 is also different from its present state, indicating that additional repairs took place several times after the crown was unearthed during excavation. Fig. 3. Photos of the gold crown from the Seobongchong Tomb in situ during excavation (photos taken in 1926): 1) Plate 16126, 2) detail of Plate 16120 Fig. 4. Photo taken in 1934 after alteration (Plate 17332) Fig. 5. Detail of the repair work undertaken on the damaged section of the gold crown from the Seobongchong Tomb The four components of the dome-shaped internal decoration that would have originally been affixed to the crown band were all found in a detached state. Gold wire, similar to the type that was used to affix the curved beads to the crown, was found to have been used to connect the dome-shaped structure to the main crown structure, albeit in an unstable way (Figs. 6, 7, 8, and 9). The gold wire was found to be 23-24 K gold, distinguishing it from the gold used at the time of the crown’s manufacture, which was 17-19 K gold; this indicates that that particular gold wire was used for repairs after the gold crown’s retrieval from the tomb. Table 2 presents data on the gold content of the different parts of the gold crown. It can be observed that the characteristics of the gold used in the gold wire attached to parts of the curved beads and the crown headband differed from that of the other gold parts of the crown (Yoo Hyeseon et al. 2014; Shin Yongbi 2021). In addition, it was confirmed that the dome-shaped decorative structure was attached backwards. The direction of the headband and the bird-shaped ornamental piece was correct; the dome-shaped decoration, on the other hand, had been affixed with the back section wrongly located to the front of the crown and vice versa. Fig. 6. Area of repairs to the dome-shaped decoration and crown headband: 1) outer side of the rear part, 2) inner side of the rear part Fig. 7. The dome-shaped decoration in a temporarily attached state (circles show areas fixed using gold wire, arrows show rivets): 1) front, 2) right Fig. 8. Affixed curved bead (below: original gold wire, above: modern gold wire used for repairs) Table 2. The Gold Content of the Different Parts of the Gold Crown from the Seobongchong Tomb Type Form Gold Quality (K) Notes Crown headband, upright decorations Gold sheet 19.3–19.5 Material used at the time of manufacture Connecting wires (of the spangles), spangles Gold wire (thin) 18.7–19.0 Bird-shaped decorative piece, dome-shaped internal structure (decoration) Gold sheet 17.5–17.9 Rivets Gold rivets 17.4 Connecting wires (of the curved beads) Gold wire (thick) Connecting wires (of the curved beads/headband) Gold wire (thin/thick) 23.3–23.8 Material used during later repairs In addition to concerns surrounding the deformation of the gold crown’s shape, the fact that the material which had been used during previous repairs caused friction on the artifact’s surface, resulting in further damage, and that the corrosion generated by the material used for repairs was polluting the surface of the gold crown were also issues of key concern. The possibility that additional damage might occur in the future to the already dilapidated parts during the replacement of artifacts on display, loan of artifacts, etc. was also an issue that required addressing. Conservation Treatment The Dismantling and Cleaning of Components In order to restore the incorrectly reconstructed parts to their original shape and to eliminate corrosive elements from the surface of the gold crown, the materials that were used during past repairs, along with pollutants from the gold crown’s surface, were removed. Firstly, the gold wires that were used during repairs were unfastened in order to dismantle the bird-shaped decorative piece, the dome-shaped internal structure that had been attached to the headband backwards, and the crown headband (Fig. 9-1). Following this, the gold sheet and gold wire pieces that were damaging the artifact’s surface were removed entirely. During this stage, the gold wire was unwound and the metal sheet used for repair was separated from the detached gold crown piece by applying acetone with a syringe in order to solubilize the adhesive (Fig. 9-2). Traces of degraded adhesive remained on the separated gold crown piece, as did corroded material and other pollutants produced by the metal piece used for repair and the gold wire. The pollutants were removed with alcohol and acetone that was applied using cotton swabs and a soft brush (Fig. 10). After the cleaning process, the dome-shaped internal structure was dismantled into a total of six pieces (Fig. 11). This revealed the assembly structure of each piece, as well as the shape of the rivets used, allowing the structure of the gold crown to be identified in detail (Fig. 12). During this stage, the length of the decoration affixed to the dome-shaped decoration, as well as the location where it was attached and the method of its assembly, were identified. Based on this information, a mock reassembly of the crown’s dome-shaped internal structure was carried out in order to identify intersecting locations and points of possible structural instability. Fig. 9. The process of deconstructing the previously repaired area: 1) detaching the metal wires using small tools, 2) removing the affixed piece, 3) the detached gold crown pieces and material for repair Fig. 10. Removing pollutants from the dome-shaped decoration: 1-2) removing adhesive and the corroded material on the surface, 4-6) removing the material used to repair the base of the bird-shaped decorative piece Fig. 11. Dismantling the structure into pieces for repair Fig. 12. Detail of the rivets in the area where the bands forming the dome-shaped decoration intersect: 1) front, 2) rear Joining the Pieces and Enhancing Structural Stability During the conservation treatment of the gold crown from the Seobongchong Tomb, the step that involved joining pieces together and enhancing structural stability was undertaken with two key goals in mind. The first was to connect the crown’s headband and the four bases of the dome-shaped decoration—which had been temporarily fixed together backwards—in the correct way in terms of the direction of the pieces. The second goal was to reattach the damaged part of the birdshaped ornamental piece to the dome-shaped decoration and to enhance the overall stability of the artifact by using a durable material as reinforcement. The sequence of the entire process was as follows: joining (assembling) the dome-shaped decoration → joining (affixing) the bird-shaped ornamental piece → stabilizing the assembled dome-shaped decoration using an acrylic frame. 1. Production of the Reinforcement Material The dome-shaped decoration that was located inside the crown consisted of a total of three gold sheet pieces—a bird-shaped ornamental piece and two bands—which were then broken into six pieces. The gold sheets had a thickness of approximately 0.5 mm. The areas where the pieces intersected and were affixed to one another were too narrow to bear the weight of the gold sheets in a stable manner. Furthermore, the surface of the roughly cut edges had experienced morphological modification, so the surfaces were not joined together firmly as a result. These factors made it difficult to join the parts of the dome-shaped decoration together in an exact manner. As such, the conservation treatment involved the production of a new type of reinforcement material that would be suitable for use in joining the pieces of the gold crown from the Seobongchong Tomb in a stable way. The Reinforcement Material for the Joining Points The factors that were considered when selecting the reinforcement material for supporting the points where the components of the dome-shaped decoration were joined will be discussed next. First, the material had to be reversible. Second, the material had to be transparent so it would not cover the manufacturing traces featured on the crown’s surface. Third, it had to be strong enough to support the joining points of the dome-shaped decoration in a stable manner, since they are subject to continuous pressure due to the twisted nature of their structure. Fourth, it had to be elastic and flexible so that stresses during movement would not result in additional damage to the artifact. Finally, the material had to be easily malleable so that it could stay close to the joining points, which have curved surfaces. Upon considering a wide range of candidates, the decision was finally made to use a panel consisting of woven fiberglass covered with Epotek® 301, which is a highly transparent epoxy cold mounting resin. The key merit of this material is that—compared to an acrylic panel—it is highly reversible, and therefore less likely to damage the artifact during future treatments. The woven fiberglass makes it less likely for the reinforcing panel to break as a result of impact, and it is highly transparent, making it possible to observe the artifact surface even after the attachment of the reinforcing panel. The epoxy panel can also easily be produced according to the size and thickness required, and it is easy to cut and to apply surface treatments. Finally, the panel can easily be formed into a curved shape, thereby enhancing the stability of the reinforced part. Accordingly, epoxy panels that included woven fiberglass were produced as reinforcements for each joining point. Each of the panels were cut according to the requirements of the points where they were being used (Fig. 13). Fig. 13. Reinforcement materials supporting the rear of the joined area and the process of constructing the support: 1) preparing the materials (Epotek® 301, woven fiberglass), 2) mounting mold and glass fiber, 3) inserting the resin, 4) cutting and polishing the pieces, 5) finished sample of the reinforcement material, 6) preparations for the joining process The Acrylic Frame The feasibility of reconstructing the gold crown in a way that its outer structure and dome-shaped inner structure could be separated in order to ensure stability during exhibition, packaging, and movement was discussed during the conservation treatment process. As a result, the decision was made to affix the dome-shaped decoration to an acrylic frame, rather than directly to the crown’s headband section. This would allow the dome-shaped decoration to stand on its own and be easily detached and re-attached from the inside of the crown. Therefore, a frame was produced which could act as a structural reinforcement for the dome-shaped decoration, and be used as a support for the headband. An acrylic frame in the shape of a circle, with a diameter of 18 cm to fit the inner dimensions of the gold crown’s headband, was produced. The location and area where the bases of the dome-shaped decoration were to be affixed to the headband, the location of the rivets, etc. were marked onto the surface of the acrylic crown. Using a hand grinder, four grooves (of the depth of the gold sheets used in the gold crown) were cut into the acrylic crown (Fig. 14). The location of the rivet holes of the crown’s headband were marked and then hammered from the back of the acrylic frame in order to form protrusions that could be used to hang the headband after the conservation process. Fig. 14. The process of manufacturing the acrylic support 1) section affixing the dome-shaped decoration2) the acrylic headband positioned within the gold crown3) identifying the locations of the holes for affixing the headband prior to and after boring the holes 2. Joining the Components The overlapping areas of the dome-shaped decoration components were very narrow, and the surface of the roughly cut edges experienced morphological modification over time. As a result, the joining points had to be hardy enough to withstand the continuous pressure emanating from the twisting force of the joined components. It was found to be impossible to maintain the joined state by only fastening together the overlapping areas. Therefore, the method of supporting the joined sections and their surrounding areas using a reinforcing material, as a means of dispersing the force, was selected. This method was possible because the material used in the gold crown was a stable gold and silver alloy. The epoxy panel that was tailor-made specifically for the conservation treatment of the gold crown, featuring a woven fiberglass fabric in the center, (hereafter referred to as the “reinforcement material”) was cut out then shaped using a hair dryer to fit the curves of the area behind the joining points of the crown components. For the rivet areas, which provide information on how the gold crown was assembled, holes were made in the reinforcement material so that the traces of manufacture could still be observed (Figs. 15-1 and 15-3). The prepared reinforcement material was then joined to the backside of the damaged areas of the dome-shaped decoration using Araldite® Rapid, an epoxy resin. In order to ensure that the areas being joined remained together while the adhesive was hardening, a temporary supporting frame was made according to the length and curves of the dome-shaped decoration using brass bands (Fig. 15-4). The exact joining points were identified and the reinforcement material was temporarily affixed to the brass bands. After the reinforcement material was joined to the gold crown parts, a string was wound around the joined area in order to ensure that it did not move while the resin was hardening (Fig. 15-5). The bird-shaped ornamental piece was joined to the dome-shaped decoration after determining the correct location for the joining (Fig. 15-6). In order to ensure the stability of the joined area, the reinforcement material was used to make an “L”-shaped support, which was attached to the back of the joined area (Fig. 16). In addition, the locations of the rivets used to attach the bird-shaped ornamental piece were identified, and then holes were bored into their corresponding locations on the reinforcement material in order to ensure that there was no space in between the joined surfaces. The reinforcement material also ensured that the traces of the production methods visible on the surface were not covered by said material, thus allowing them to be observed. Fig. 15. The process of affixing the dome-shaped decoration: 1-3) joining and reinforcing the upper section 4-6) joining and reinforcement Fig. 16. Detail of the dome-shaped decoration: 1-3) prior to conservation treatment, 4-6) after conservation treatment 3. Affixing the Crown Components to the Acrylic Frame The dome-shaped decoration, which was assembled and reinforced, was attached to the acrylic frame by affixing each of its base sections to the grooves formed on the frame (Fig. 17). Upon affixing the dome-shaped decoration to the acrylic frame using Araldite® Rapid, an epoxy adhesive, fishing wire was used to additionally fasten the decoration to the frame via the rivet holes (Fig. 18). When the dome-shaped decoration and its frame, which were fastened together in the above manner, were assembled with the crown’s headband, the base of the dome-shaped decoration came to be placed behind the fastening rivet of the headband (Fig. 19). Fig. 17. Affixing the dome-shaped decoration and the acrylic support: 1) affixing process, 2) prior to joining, 3) after joining Fig. 18. Detail of the section where the dome-shaped decoration is attached: 1) front, 2) rear (dotted lines denote the perimeters of the acrylic support) Fig. 19. View of the crown headband and the acrylic support in a joined state: 1) front-side, 2) front-inside Attaching the Curved Beads 1. Identifying the Original Location of the Detached Curved Beads The original locations of the six curved beads that were recovered along with the gold crown were identified and the beads were then fastened to the crown. Photographs taken at the time of excavation were used to establish the location and form of the connecting wires that were extant at the time. Unfortunately, even photographic records did not provide information on the location of one of the curved jade beads (curved bead No. 4), but based on a comparison of the roughly cut edges of the wires found, respectively, on the headband and curved bead No. 4, it was possible to make a connection between the two (Fig. 20). Fig. 20. Rough edge of the remaining gold wire section securing curved bead No. 4: 1) remaining gold wire near the gold crown, 2) detail of Fig. 20-1, 3) remaining gold wire near the curved bead, 4) detail of Fig. 20-3 2. Fastening the Curved Beads In order to make a deliberate distinction between materials that had originally been used at the time of the artifact’s manufacture and materials used during the conservation process, 24 K gold wire was used to fasten the curved beads to the crown. The direction in which the gold wire was twisted, as well as the method and appearance of the connection, followed the original as much as possible. The gold wire was cut and then threaded through the hole in the head section of the curved bead; at the back part of the bead, the wire was then twisted once to the right and fastened. Both ends of the gold wire were then threaded into the holes remaining on the crown’s headband, and then each end was folded in the opposite direction and securely fastened so that the wires would not fall out (Fig. 21). Fig. 21. Reinforcement materials supporting the rear of the joined area and the process of constructing the support: 1) preparing the materials (Epotek® 301, woven fiberglass), 2) mounting mold and glass fiber, 3) inserting the resin, 4) cutting and polishing the pieces, 5) finished sample of the reinforcement material, 6) preparations for the joining process The head section of the glass curved bead (curved bead No. 6) had been damaged, so half of the detached head was fixed back on using adhesive. After using acetone to remove the degraded adhesive and to clean the remaining traces, a strengthening treatment consisting of Paraloid B-72 10wt% (in Xylene), which is an acryl resin, was applied to the area with cracks. Afterwards, the head and body sections of the glass curved bead were threaded with the gold wire and then the two sections were glued together using Loctite 401, an instant adhesive. The glass curved bead was fastened to the gold crown utilizing the same method used for the jade beads. Results of the Conservation Treatment Process Photographs were taken after the conservation treatment process in order to leave records of the artifact’s appearance, and the details of the conservation treatment process. These included the materials used, changes in artifact dimension following conservation, and new information obtained during the process. These data were also recorded on a “conservation treatment” card. The dimensions of the gold crown following conservation are as follows: 36 cm in height, 18 cm in diameter, and a total weight of 832.3 g. Various traces associated with the gold crown’s original structure and its manufacturing process were newly identified through the investigations following the conservation process. Using this new information, conservation specialists carried out research which simulated the joining process of the components of the dome-shaped decoration. As a result, possible parts of structural instability were identified, which led the conservation specialists to consider new methods of reinforcement when assembling the gold crown. Materials for repair used during past conservation treatment processes (metal sheets and metal wire), which caused damage by producing friction against the gold crown’s surface, were removed and the reinforcement material that was used in the past was replaced with a more stable version. In addition, the locations of the six curved beads that had been recovered along with the gold crown were identified and the beads were fastened to the crown. The crown’s decorative dome-shaped attachment, which had been fastened to the crown’s headband backwards, was correctly re-attached, making it possible to reconstruct the original appearance of the gold crown from the Seobongchong Tomb. In addition, a support was produced which allowed the dome-shaped decoration and crown headband to be separated and then re-attached. These measures will ensure ease in the storage, display, and research on the gold crown in the future. Table 3. The Gold Crown from the Seobongchong Tomb after Conservation Treatment Manufacturing Technology Manufacturing Process of the Gold Crown The gold crown from the Seobongchong Tomb was manufactured according to the following process: preparation of materials → engraving of patterns → attaching the spangles → assembling the components → attaching the curved beads. 1. Preparation of Materials Images below present the process by which the components of the gold crown were drawn and cut out. The gold crown from the Seobongchong Tomb consists of a total of nine gold sheets and other small pieces. It comprises the following six different types of parts: 1) one gold sheet for the crown’s headband, 2) three gold sheets for the vertical uprights with alternate branches, 3) two gold sheets for the angled uprights with alternate branches, 4) two gold bands forming the dome-shaped decoration (the band extending from left to right: 56.6×1.6 cm; the band extending from front to back: 56.8×1.6 cm), 5) one bird-shaped decorative piece, and 6) attachments (spangles, gold wires, gold rivets, curved beads). It was possible to observe traces of the fine lines on the surface that had been used to mark out the shape of the crown components, to sketch the decorative patterns, and to mark out the locations of the attachments prior to cutting out the crown components from the gold sheet (Figs. 22 and 23). Fig. 22. Manufacturing traces on the gold crown from the Seobongchong Tomb: 1) sketch for cutting (the comb part of the bird-shaped decorative piece), 2) marking the location of the upright decoration on the front of the headband Fig. 23. The repousse, semi-globular motifs and markings for their locations (above: left-right direction band, below: front-rear direction band): 1) comparison of the intervals between the repousse, semi-globular motifs and the location of the incised lines, 2) detail of box 1, 3) detail of box 2 2. Engraving Patterns The second stage in the manufacturing process was to enhance the decorative nature of the crown components that were cut out by incising patterns onto their surfaces. The crown components were adorned with line or wave patterns that were rendered by making continuous wedge-shaped incisions, or with continuous dots or semi-globular motifs made using the repousse technique. Given that the repousse, semi-globular motifs featuring incised patterns were not at all deformed, it appears likely that the repousse technique was applied after the decorative lines were incised (Fig. 24). Fig. 24. Repousse, semi-globular motifs and wedge-shaped incision lines 3. Attaching the Spangles After the patterns were engraved, further decoration was applied in the form of spangles. The spangles adorning the gold crown from the Seobongchong Tomb are round, have a diameter of around 10 mm, and were produced using the punch-out method. The spangles decorating the gold crown—apart from the bird-shaped ornamental piece and the tips of the upright decorations—all feature semi-globular motifs that were rendered using the repousse technique. The spangles have holes near their upper edges through which gold wire was inserted; both parts of the inserted wire were twisted five to eight times in a clockwise direction to form a stem. The ends of the stem were inserted into holes on the surface of the gold crown and then fastened by folding them over (Fig. 25). Fig. 25. Attaching the spangles: 1) on the uprights, 2) on the bird-shaped decorative piece 4. Assembling the Components The structure of the gold crown was erected during this stage. Studying the parts where the upright decorations and the headband were joined revealed that the upright decorations were placed in a way that they covered the repousse, semi-globular motifs and the gold wire of the spangles (Fig. 26). This indicates that the uprights and the headband were joined after the spangles were attached. The entire structure of the crown was finalized after the uprights were attached to the headband, the two gold sheet bands were used to form the dome-shaped decoration (to which the bird-shaped ornamental piece was fastened), and this dome-shaped decoration was fixed to the headband. The structural assemblage of these components was undertaken using gold rivets. Fig. 26. Joined section of the upright decoration (alternate left branch) 5. Attaching the Curved Beads The final stage in the manufacture of the gold crown involved attaching the curved beads. The curved beads were connected to the headband and the upright decorations via gold wire that was inserted into the heads of the curved beads and then twisted once behind the bead head. The bead was then attached in such a way that it hung parallel to the surface of the gold crown. The headband of the gold crown was adorned with six curved beads that were positioned along its upper edge, at the front, the rear, and in between the uprights. The curved bead located to the back of the headband was affixed at a spot where the base of the dome-shaped decoration and the headband overlapped and were fastened with rivets. A hole was bored into this overlapping section into which the wire used to attach the curved bead was inserted. The remaining curved beads were attached to places where the semi-globular repousse motifs of the spangles were absent. In some cases, the pre-existing decorations were deliberately removed in order to make room for the curved beads. In the case of the uprights, some of the spangles were removed and replaced with curved beads. Observations reveal that, in total, fifty-four curved beads were originally attached to the gold crown. Comparing the Dome-shaped Decorations of Ancient Silla Crowns The type of dome-shaped decoration observed inside the gold crown from the Seobongchong Tomb was also used in the following ancient Silla crowns: the gilt-bronze crowns from Cist 1 of Tomb 37 at the Dalseong Burial Ground in Daegu (Fig. 27), the gilt-bronze crown from Tomb B-16 at the Chodangdong site in Gangneung (Fig. 28), as well as the gilt-bronze crowns in the Okura Collection in Japan (said to have come from Ulsan) and in the Musée National des Arts Asiatiques – Guimet (Fig. 29). Of these, the crown in the Musée National des Arts Asiatiques – Guimet Collection is believed to be the same as the measurement drawing of a gilt-bronze crown (said to have come from Yangsan) . Table 4 presents a comparison between the manufacturing techniques of the dome-shaped decorations of ancient Silla crowns. Of the five crowns, four are made of gilt-bronze (i.e. bronze covered with gold), while the fifth is the gold crown from the Seobongchong Tomb. The upper ornamental piece adorning the dome-shaped decoration of the Seobongchong Tomb gold crown resembles a bird, whereas in case of the other four crowns it is decorated with an unju (a dangling decoration similar to those found on Silla’s equestrian gear). In the case of the latter, the unju decoration could be affixed using an inner stem piece (Fig. 27) or be fastened with rivets (Fig. 28) (Chuncheon National Museum 2008). Differences could also be observed in the location of the points where the dome-shaped decoration was joined with the crown – this difference is likely to have arisen from the way in which the dome-shaped decoration was affixed to the headband. In the case of the four gilt-bronze crowns, the dome-shaped decoration was affixed to the headband using rivets. On the front and left and right sides of the crown, the dome-shaped decoration was fastened to the headband by placing it behind the uprights and then joining the layers using rivets while in the rear side of the crown, the dome-shaped decoration was affixed to the center of the headband’s rear section. In the case of the Seobongchong Tomb gold crown, the headband was not permanently joined together while two holes were bored into either end of the headband. However, the position of these holes did not correspond exactly, making it unlikely that rivets would have been used in the holes. As such, the headband was likely fastened together using organic ties. In addition, the base of the dome-shaped decoration does not overlap with the locations of the upright decorations in the case of the Seobongchong Tomb gold crown, and the rear of the dome-shaped decoration was fixed to the base of the right section of the headband. Overall, the front-rear axis of the dome-shaped decoration is aligned slightly to the right, and although it could not be widely extended when wearing or taking off the crown, the ties could be slightly loosened. Fig. 27. Gilt-bronze crown from Tomb 37 of the Dalseong site: 1) photo of the excavated crown (Plate 24769), 2) upper section decoration, 3) detail of the connecting part of the upper section decoration Fig. 28. Gilt-bronze crown from Chodang-dong, Gangneung: 1) excavated state, 2) x-ray image of the unju decoration, 3) the unju and a piece of the dome-shaped decoration, 4) rivets located at the intersecting part below the unju Fig. 29. Other Silla crowns featuring dome-shaped decorations: 1) gilt-bronze crown said to have come from Ulsan (Okura collection, Tokyo National Museum, Japan), 2) gilt-bronze crown of the Guimet Collection, France Table 4. Comparison of Dome-shaped Decorations of Silla Crowns Unearthed on the Korean Peninsula Site Seobongchong Tomb, Gyeongju Cist 1 of Tomb 37 at the Dalseong Burial Ground, Daegu Tomb B-16 at the Chodang-dong site, Gangneung Said to Have Come from Ulsan (Okura Collection) Musée National des Arts Asiatiques – Guimet Collection Features Material Gold Gilt-bronze Shape of the Upper Decorative Piece Bird-shaped gold sheet unju Joining Method Intersecting sections of the bands forming the dome-shaped decoration Rivets Stem located within the unju Rivets Unknown Unknown Dome-shaped decoration & bird-shaped ornamental piece Crown headband & dome-shaped decoration Rivets Rivets Uprights & crown headband Connecting the crown headband Detachable (likely use of ties) Fixed (using rivets) Location Where the Dome-shaped Decoration Is Fixed to the Headband Front To the right of the vertical uprights with opposite branches Overlapping with the vertical uprights with opposite branches Side Between the vertical upright with opposite branches and angled uprights with alternate branches Rear Right end of the headband Center Corrections Applied to Decorative Elements Observed on the Surface of the Gold Crown from the Seobongchong Tomb Observations on the surface areas featuring the spangle decorations and the curved bead decorations have revealed that, in the case of the gold crown from the Seobongchong Tomb, the curved bead decorations were not attached at the original time of the crown’s manufacture, but were added at a later date, accompanied by the correction of pre-existing decorative elements. This correction of decorative elements is a new fact that was previously unknown. Comparison of the Holes Used to Attach Curved Beads and Spangles The surface of the gold crown from the Seobongchong Tomb features pairs of holes which were used to affix ornaments, such as spangles and curved jades. Of these, the pairs of holes used to affix the spangles are small in size, aligned along a vertical axis, and similar in appearance throughout the entire surface of the crown. Compared to this, two different types have been identified for the pairs of holes used to affix the curved beads. On the crown headband, the holes are aligned along a horizontal axis. However, on the uprights, the holes are aligned along a vertical axis, as in the case of the spangle holes. Of the pairs of holes for the curved beads found on the uprights, an additional hole could be observed in several cases (Fig. 30). This is a characteristic that had not been identified in the case of the holes for the spangles; it is distinctive only to the holes used to attach the curved beads. Fig. 30. X-ray image: detail of the hole used to attach the curved bead to the case of the upright Comparison of the Nature of the Repousse, Semi-globular Motifs Where the Curved Beads and Spangles Have Been Attached The location of the spangles and of the repousse, semi-globular motifs were designated from the onset of the manufacture of the gold crown, and therefore illustrate a common pattern. However, two different patterns can be seen for the location where the curved beads were affixed. The first pattern involves curved beads attached to the flat section of the gold crown. Those located on the crown headband and the branches of the vertical uprights with opposite branches are of this pattern (Figs. 31 and 32). In this case, the holes used to affix the curved bead are aligned along a horizontal axis when found on the headband while they are aligned along a vertical axis when found on the uprights. The second pattern involves curved beads that have been affixed to the indented part of a repousse, semi-globular motif. The ones located on the trunk of the vertical uprights with opposite branches and on the angled uprights with alternate branches are of this pattern (Fig. 31-2). In this case, the holes used to affix the curved bead are always aligned along a vertical axis. Such indented, repousse, semi-globular motifs can also be observed on the crown headband. In the case of the curved beads attached along the upper edge of the headband, the pre-existing spangles were removed and then the repousse, semi-globular motifs were indented prior to affixing the curved beads (Fig. 32). Out of some of the indented, repousse semi-globular motifs, some feature pairs of holes (vertically aligned) but no ornament (Fig. 33). Fig. 31. Location where the curved bead was attached to the symmetrical tree-shaped branch decoration (boxed): 1) rear, 2) bottom side of Fig. 31-1 Fig. 32. View of where the curved bead was attached to the crown headband – image of a pressed repousse, semi-globular motif located below a horizontal pair of holes: 1) front 2) rear Fig. 33. View of where the curved bead was attached to the crown headband: image of a pressed repousse, semi-globular motif featuring a vertical pair of holes and a horizontal pair of holes located below. 1) prior to the attachment of the curved bead, 2) after the attachment of the curved bead Table 5 compares the way in which the spangles and curved beads were affixed among the ornaments adorning the gold crown from the Seobongchong Tomb. The gold wire used to attach the curved beads was thicker but of lesser quality than that used for the spangles. It appears that, in the case of the uprights, the curved beads were affixed using the holes that had already been bored for the spangles. In the case of the headband, when the curved beads were attached to a place where spangles had previously been absent, then holes were newly bored into the surface. The materials and shapes of the curved beads used to decorate the gold crown are varied, which possibly suggests that items that had previously been used elsewhere were recycled as decorations for the crown. Table 5. Comparison of the Ornament Attachment Methods of the Gold Crown from the Seobongchong Tomb Comparison of the Ornament Attachment Methods of the Gold Crown from the Seobongchong Tomb and Other Silla Gold Crowns Based on a comprehensive analysis of the surface morphology around the area where the ornaments were affixed, as well as the method of attachment, it is likely that the basic mode of decoration for the gold crown from the Seobongchong Tomb at the time of its manufacture was the use of repousse semi-globular motifs and the attachment of spangle ornaments. It was only later that some of the spangles were replaced by curved beads. In order to establish if this was a phenomenon distinctive to the gold crown from the Seobongchong Tomb or if it occurred in case of other Silla gold crowns as well, the decorative methods observed for Silla gold crowns were compared. Table 6 presents the characteristic elements of the decorative techniques observed from six Silla gold crowns that were unearthed at sites within the peninsula, which have been examined in order to identify the relationships that may exist between them. Table 6. Comparison of Decorative Techniques of Silla Gold Crowns Unearthed on the Korean Peninsula Interestingly enough, the results of the comparison of the decorative methods applied to the six Silla gold crowns unearthed from the Korean Peninsula reveal that the crown from the Cheonmachong Tomb was also subjected to decoration corrections. In the case of the gold crown from the Cheonmachong Tomb, as in the case of the gold crown from the Seobongchong Tomb, when curved beads were attached to positions featuring repousse semi-globes, the repousse, semi-globes were also flattened prior to the curved beads being attached. In addition, a characteristic feature of the Cheonmachong Tomb gold crown is that, even though the repousse half-globes already featured holes aligned along a vertical axis, they were left unused and additional holes were bored along a horizontal axis in order to attach the curved beads (Fig. 34). Similar correction work has also been observed for the curved beads adorning the branches of the symmetrical tree-shaped upright decorations of the gold crown from the Cheonmachong Tomb. As in the case of the gold crown from the Seobongchong Tomb, the curved beads of this section were attached to a flat surface. However, instead of using the pre-existing vertically aligned holes, horizontally aligned holes were newly bored in order to attach the curved beads. This makes it possible to infer the removal of a pre-existing ornament (Fig. 34). In addition to this, other similar characteristics have been observed between the gold crowns from the Cheonmachong Tomb and Seobongchong Tomb. Fig. 34. Section of the gold crown from the Cheonmachong Tomb decorated with curved beads: 1) front, 2) rear, 3) detail of front, 4) detail of rear Conclusion The morphological damage that occurred to the gold crown from the Seobongchong Tomb was repaired and several curved beads that had fallen off were affixed back to their original spots through conservation treatment. Because the artifact undergoing conservation treatment experienced instability in the areas where it was joined, an epoxy panel with a woven fiberglass core was used as reinforcing material for the joining areas, thereby enhancing the overall stability of the gold crown during storage and display. In addition, conservation treatment was undertaken in a way that the dome-shaped internal decoration structure of the crown could be detached from the outer headband and supported by a frame. This was done in order to increase ease of handling and decease danger of inflicting damage when managing, displaying, or studying the artifact. Pre-existing materials were newly used according to the artifact’s characteristics and state of conservation, and new techniques and approaches were applied, taking into consideration the stability of the artifact and issues in regard to terms of management. This can be summarized as the key outcome of the conservation treatment of the gold crown from the Seobongchong Tomb. The various methods of cleaning, joining, and reinforcing artifacts of cultural heritage according to different situations will continue to be the subject of study in the future. Furthermore, explorations of conservation techniques that will ensure the effective and stable treatment of artifacts of cultural heritage with as little damage as possible will continue to take place. In addition, it was possible to newly identify various traces associated with the crown’s manufacture during the course of the conservation treatment process, as well as establish how corrections were later applied to attach the curved beads to the gold crown. At the time of its manufacture, the gold spangles were the basic form of decoration of the gold crown from the Seobongchong Tomb. At a later date, some of the spangles adorning the uprights of the gold crown were replaced by curved beads, and curved beads were also affixed to the crown’s headband. Comparative analysis was undertaken on a total of six Silla crowns unearthed on the Korean Peninsula in order to establish if the above-mentioned phenomena could be observed in the case of other gold crowns. Parallel correction traces, along with other similarities, could be observed for the gold crown from the Cheonmachong Tomb. It is hoped that future interdisciplinary research may shed light on the meanings behind such actions as correcting the decorations and then adding curved beads to the gold crowns from the Seobongchong Tomb and Cheonmachong Tomb, as well as illuminate what the potential relationship was between the common procedures observed on both gold crowns.