The Journal of Korean Art and Archaeology

I INTRODUCTION

West Asia, a term used in contrast to East Asia and Central Asia, designates the region referred to in Europe as the Near East and the Middle East. For Europeans, this region begins at the western extremity of Egypt and ends in eastern Iran, therefore excluding Afghanistan. West Asia, as we well know, is one of the cradles of human civilization. The conquests of Alexander the Great spread Hellenistic civilization to this region, before it subsequently became part of the Roman Empire. As for Afghanistan, whilst most often included in Central Asia, Gandhara art that flourished in this area is evidence of an affinity to Greco-Roman culture, making this region culturally closer to West Asia.

Concerning the historical exchange between the East and the West, the latest archeological discoveries challenge some of our most fundamental notions of the Silk Road. They suggest that ancient China never directly engaged in silk trade with Rome; that trade, instead, took an indirect form, with India serving as the intermediary; and that trade between the East and the West would have taken place mostly via sea routes rather than land. Hence, it appears that ancient Syria was an important trade partner of both China and India. Moreover, silk was not the main trade item, and, thus, the Silk Road may not even have existed at all.1

Received ideas about the Silk Road have been called into question at yet another level. Since Ferdinand von Richthofen first coined the term in 1877, many scholars have pointed out the need to rethink the Silk Road as a historical path of cultural propagation, rather than a simple trade route between the East and the West.2 Archeological investigations conducted since then in Central Asia (especially Xinjiang in China) have yielded evidence adding weight to this argument. However, even in this context, the consensus among scholars is that the West as the trade destination along the Silk Road is likely to have been Roman Syria and Iran rather than Rome itself.

The focus of this study is on how exactly West Asian culture was transmitted to regions lying further east through the Silk Road, rather than discussing the cultural characteristics of this region as such. This inquiry will be more particularly concerned with historical and archaeological evidence related to the routes through which West Asian culture reached ancient Korea. The transmission of West Asian culture to Korea was necessarily circuitous, taking detours through Central Asia and North Asia – through Scythia, for example. For this reason, some portion of this paper may touch upon cultures other than West Asian culture.

II WEST ASIA AND THE NOMADIC WORLD

01 THE WEST ASIAN IMAGINATION

The creation of zoomorphic hybrids, in other words, the merging of two different animals to create an imaginary beast, was a practice commonly observed in many ancient civilizations. The griffin (or gryphon), the fabulous beast of Western origin, with the head of an eagle and the body of a lion, for example, appears frequently both in Western and Eastern art. In the 5th century BC, Herodotus wrote, for instance, that griffins were the guardians of Scythian gold. The origin of this fabulous beast, however, dates back much further, to the third millennium BC. A creation of the Ur Dynasty, based in the region south of the Euphrates River,3 the griffin was subsequently represented in Assyrian and Babylonian art, and was given artistic incarnations also in the Achaemenid Dynasty of Iran (6th - 4th century BC).

The griffin was an extremely popular subject among artworks produced during the Achaemenid Dynasty. Griffin motifs grace many metal objects and are represented in numerous sculptures at Persepolis (5th century BC), a major architectural monument from the Achaemenid Dynasty (Figure 1). The sculpture of the twin griffins in a symmetrical position, in particular, recently attracted the attention of archeological communities worldwide following the discovery of a sculpture in the Khotan (和田, Chinese: Hetian) area of Xinjiang, surprisingly similar to this characteristically Iranian-style sculpture (Figure 2).4 Winged beasts with mountain goat horns carved onto decorative wood panels excavated in the Khotan area also appear to be variants of the Iranian griffin.5 These finds point to the influence of Iran, located along the Southern Silk Road traversing West Asia.

( Figure 1 ) Griffin sculpture, 5th century BC, Persepolis

( Figure 2 ) Griffin sculpture, Warring States-Eastern Han period, excavated in the Khotan (Chinese: Hetian) area of Xinjiang

The appearance of the griffin varied depending on the region. The griffin popularly incarnated in Babylon was a winged lion with long and sharp ears and an eagle’s legs and a tail. The Assyrian griffin had an eagle’s head instead of a lion’s. The Iranian griffin, a compromise between the above, is crowned with horns of the mountain goat. Some variants of the Iranian griffin had hind legs with feet shaped like bird’s claws. Griffins represented on color-glazed bricks found in Susa of Iran are fine examples of such variants.6

Iran and Scythia had frequent cultural exchanges, as the two regions engaged in several wars, alternating with periods of peace and amity. Cultural elements were transmitted across the boundaries through a series of events like the Scythian attack on Media (640 BC), the Iranian invasion of Scythia (530 BC) and Scythia’s paying tribute to Iran (5th century BC). This may be how the griffin came to be a popular subject on Scythian artefacts and architecture.

Meanwhile, representations of griffins have been found in faraway Noin-Ula in Mongolia (in artefacts found inside an ancient Xiongnu [匈奴] tomb)7 and even in Nangnang (樂浪, Chinese: Lelang) in the Korean peninsula where a griffin depicted on a covered lacquer basket was discovered in the Wanggwang [王光] Tomb.8 (Figure 3) Just how far this path of transmission led is indeed astonishing: from Iran, through Scythia, all the way to Noin Ula and Nangnang.9

( Figure 3 ) Griffin decoration on lacquerware vessel, Han Dynasty, excavated from Wanggwang Tomb, Nangnang

The scene of a lion attacking a ram in a stone relief found in the Apadana or hypostyle hall of Persepolis (5th century BC) is the earliest example of the ‘animal combat’ theme (Figure 4), which later gained popularity in ancient societies across the region. Scenes of this type had strong influence not only in West Asia, but also in Scythia, and were featured even in the bronze and gilt-bronze accessories of the Xiongnu.

( Figure 4 ) Motif of lion attacking a ram, 5th century BC, Apadana of Pesepolis

Animal themes were especially dominant in Scythian art, as the Scythians were nomadic herders. Russian art historians have dubbed this distinct animal-themed art of Scythia as “animal-style art.” The author has previously suggested that this animal style, as it slowly and steadily evolved over a long time, can also be called the “lentus style.”10

The centaur (kentauros in Greek), the part-human, part-horse mythological creature, is another well-known example of an ancient zoomorphic hybrid. The dominant view concerning the origin of this creature, best known though Greek mythology, is that it derives from Scythia. The idea that nomadic people, spending most of their waking hours on horseback, identified themselves with the animal so closely tied to their everyday lives enjoys strong support from art historians.11 The centaur has also been found represented on a woven wool textile excavated from Sampula cemetery in Luopu county of Xinjiang, dated to the first to third century.12

02 WEST ASIAN BRONZE TOOLS

Civilizations that flourished in West Asia during antiquity, and especially in the environs of Syria, were highly advanced. The beginning of the Bronze Age in this region, for instance, is dated to the mid to late third millennium BC.13 In the Korean peninsula, the Bronze Age begins progressively later, around the 10th century BC. In Korea, early bronze tools are reported to have been produced sometime toward the 8th century BC.14

One of the most important artefacts in the history of exchange between the East and the West appeared around the time the Bronze Age gave way to the Iron Age in West Asia: the Scythian dagger-like short sword known in Greek as akinakes.15 Some research on this weapon is already available.16 An akinakes-style dagger was unearthed in a Scythian tomb on a shore of the Black Sea, dating to the 6th century BC (Figure 5),17 and other evidence suggests that this dagger was used in Achaemenid Iran during the 5th century BC. A stone wall relief of the east stairway façade of the Apadana palace in Persepolis, depicting envoys from neighboring countries bearing tribute, shows envoys from Scythia and Media (which preceded the Achaemenid Dynasty) carrying this dagger at their waist (Figure 6). The Median attack on Assyria in the 7th century BC was enabled by the weapons manufacturing techniques and war tactics learned from the Scythians. Akinakes daggers are also believed to have been imported from Scythia at this time.

( Figure 5 ) Left: Akinakes-style dagger, 6th century BC, excavated from a Scythian tomb on the Black Sea shore

( Figure 6 ) Right: Envoys from Scythia carrying akinakes-style daggers at their waists, 5th century BC, Apadana of Persepolis

The akinakes seems to have earned its Greek name, which appears in Herodotus’ History, due to the symbiotic economic relationship between Scythia and Ionia.18 Meanwhile, the fact that the hilt of Scythian dagger, unlike the T-shaped hilt of the Iranian dagger, often features two griffins with their heads facing each other, may be an indication of the close ties between Iran and Scythia, the griffin being a symbol of ancient Iran.

From the 5th century BC, the akinakes, which has also been referred to as an “antenna-style” [觸角] bronze dagger, developed a close relationship with bronze tools from Tagar in southern Russia.19 It subsequently influenced Ordos bronze daggers produced by the Xiongnu (Figure 7),20 and eventually the daggers of the southern Korean peninsula. In the bronze daggers found in the Pyongyang (平壤) area and in Bisan-dong (飛山洞), Daegu (大邱), the original design of two griffins facing each other was replaced by a native Korean-style design of two ducks facing each other (Figure 8).21

( Figure 7 ) Akinakes-style dagger, Late Spring - Autumn to early Warring States period, Excavated from Ordos, Xiongnu

( Figure 8 ) Akinakes-style dagger, 3rd - 2nd century BC, excavated in Bisan-dong, Daegu, National Museum of Korea

III WEST ASIA AND HELLENISM

01 SYNCRETISM

The brilliance of ancient Egyptian civilization needs no introduction. The tomb of Tutankhamun, for example, is a treasure trove of archeological finds eloquently illustrating the distinctive culture that flourished in ancient Egypt. Following the invasion by Alexander the Great in 332 BC, however, Egypt became part of the Hellenistic world. Alexandria, located on the Mediterranean coast, was the center of Hellenistic culture in Egypt. In the wake of Alexander the Great’s conquest, Egyptian society was energized by Hellenistic cultural elements including philosophy and art. One important thing to remember, however, is that Egypt’s own mythology interacted with the imported cultural elements to shape the local Hellenistic civilization.

Serapis was an anthropomorphic Hellenistic-Egyptian god created under Ptolemy Soter (ca.376 – ca.283 BC) with the attributes of two native Egyptian gods, Osiris (god of bounty and life) and Apis (bull deity symbolizing afterlife and strength, related to grain and the harvest), borrowing the physical features of Zeus and the sun god Helios. Serapis indeed is a typical “Egypto-Hellenistic” god. The Temple of Serapis in Alexandria was an important site of pilgrimage and a center for religious rites until it was destroyed by Emperor Theodosius in 389 AD. Temples dedicated to Serapis, large and small, existed across Egypt, and worship of this syncretic god was spread by merchants and converts to other regions within the Greco-Roman world.22

One notable characteristic of Serapis statues is the headgear, on which a plant bearing a few grains is sculpted. In some cases, when the deity is represented as Zeus, it is attended by a retinue. At times, Serapis is represented as Hercules surmounted by a calathus (vase-shaped basket on top of his head) and holding a club. Statues of Hercules-Serapis were also found in regions further east like Bagram in Afghanistan23 while a statue of Zeus-Serapis was found in Khotan, Central Asia.

This author found, on the occasion of a trip to Egypt, that a statuette of Serapis on display in the Alexandria Archaeology Museum (Figure 9) was strikingly similar to the statuette of Serapis from Khotan in the Otani [大谷] collection in the National Museum of Korea (Figure 10).24 Both are moulded terracotta statues of a similar height (about 15cm), with the classical appearance of Zeus. Below the right hand of Zeus seated on a chair stands a naked statue of Nike, the goddess of victory, holding a wreath in her left hand and a laurel branch in her right hand. Zeus holds a scepter in his left hand, on top which a vulture is perched. Above his face covered with a heavy beard, Zeus seems to be wearing indeed some sort of calathus. This was at least what the author could gather from his observation of the two modestly-sized sculptures whose features were not excessively well-detailed.

( Figure 9 ) Statuette of Serapis, 2nd - 3rd century, Alexandria Archaeology Museum

( Figure 10 ) Statuette of Serapis, 2nd - 3rd century, Excavated in Khotan (Chinese: Hetian), National Museum of Korea

Accordingly this comparative analysis led to an important conclusion. The statuette of Zeus-Serapis displayed in the National Museum of Korea, although it was found in Khotan, was probably made in Alexandria and travelled through the length of the Hellenistic world to arrive at Central Asia. This statuette, therefore, is invaluable evidence that Hellenistic artefacts were indeed transmitted to the East via the Silk Road.

02 FROM HERCULES TO THE FOUR HEAVENLY KINGS

This sort of syncretism, wherein deities of different cultures become merged to form a single deity, was a phenomenon which repeatedly occurred in West Asia. In Petra, an ancient city state of the Nabataeans in Syria, al-'Uzza, the goddess of power, was later identified under Hellenization with the Greek goddess Aphrodite. The statue of al-'Uzza displayed at the Petra Archeological Museum (Figure 11),25 of which only the torso has survived, does not pale in comparison with the voluptuous statue of the Venus de Milo in the Louvre. This phenomenon of religious syncretism was seen not only on the eastern Mediterranean coast colonized by the Roman Empire and Mesopotamia, but also in ancient Iran, further east. Verethragna, the god of victory in the Zoroastrian religion, for instance, is incarnated in the body of Hercules. The statue of Hercules, accompanied by Antiochus IV of Commagene, is a fine example of this.26 This identification of Verethragna with a hero of Greek mythology bears interesting testimony to Hellenistic influence on the culture of the ancient Iranian Dynasty of Parthia.

( Figure 11 ) Statue of Nabataean al-'Uzza, 3rd century, Petra Archeological Museum

Yet more intriguing, however, is the transformation of Hercules into a Buddhist guardian deity. In a Buddhist temple in Hadda, an ancient region of Gandhara, a sculpture of Hercules is placed as an attendant deity to the main Buddha, holding a vajra in one hand.27 This may not seem altogether surprising, if one considers the heavy Greco-Roman influence observed in Gandhara art. But, the contribution of Hercules to Buddhism does not end here. The lion’s head, a symbol of Hercules, is integrated as part of the decorations on the Guardian spirits (vajrapani) and the Four Heavenly Kings [四天王], most often represented as biting the upper arms [獅嚙] of these deities. This motif, originating from Central Asia, eventually reached the Korean peninsula during the early Unified Silla period.28 The relief sculptures of the Four Heavenly Kings, found at the ancient site of Sacheonwangsa Temple [四天王寺] in Gyeongju, dated to about 679, are the first such example in Korea (Figure 12).29

( Figure 12 ) Sculpture of the Four Heavenly Kings, ca. 679, Copied by Kang Woo-bang. Excavated from the site of Sacheonwangsa Temple in Gyeongju, Gyeongju National Museum

IV ANCIENT ROME AND IRAN

01 ROMAN SYRIA

Following Alexander the Great’s conquest of West Asia, Hellenistic influence became all-pervasive in this region. In Syria, there had been a steady and continuous influence of Greek culture for a long time. Greek was the vernacular, for instance in Dura-Europos, an important city in the valley of the Euphrates River, during the Parthian Dynasty, in other words, as late as the beginning of the Common Era.30 The Roman rule of Syria began with the occupation of Antioch in 64 BC. Since then, Syria became a battleground for the Romans and the Parthians, and later the Romans and the Sasanians. Subsequently, during the rule of Constantine the Great (r. 324-37), the Byzantine era began in this region. Greco-Roman influence on Syrian culture continued undiminished for centuries, until Byzantines were defeated by Arabs in 636 at the Yarmuk River.

During the period when Syria was under Roman rule, it played an important role in trade and cultural exchange between the East and the West. The fact that the Romans imposed, at that time, a 25% tax on goods imported from eastern countries and regions, within the Red Sea and Palmyra region,31 doubtless quite a heavy burden for merchants, is indicative of the contribution of trade to the revenue of ancient Rome. Even after the fall of Palmyra in 273, trade between India and the Persian Gulf continued unabated. The newly-emerged Sasanian Dynasty joined the inter-regional trade, and around this time, the Tigris River Basin replaced the Euphrates Basin as the chief trade route. It is also at this time that the Romans set up their only trade center in Nisibis, in the valley of the Tigris River.32

For the import of Indian cotton, a land route was used, traversing Central Asia, Iran and Babylon, connecting northern cities like Antioch, in addition to sea routes via the Iranian Gulf. The passage via southern cities like Petra and Bostra toward the Red Sea and Arabia was also used. As for Palmyra, it served as an important ‘caravan city’ in this trade. Although details concerning goods traded are absent in ancient records, archaeological investigations uncovered Indian cotton and Chinese silk in tombs in Palmyra (Figure 13),33 providing an alternative measure of the booming trade center this city once was.34

( Figure 13 ) Chinese silk, 1st century, Palmyra National Museum

This also corroborates the theory that Syrian merchants travelled to China already during the Han Dynasty. Houhanshu (後漢書: History of the Later Han Dynasty) documents the arrival in 166 of a certain An Dun [安敦], the king of Daqin. ‘Daqin’ [大泰] is the Chinese name for ancient Rome, and An Dun probably designates Marcus Aurelius Antoninus (the Roman emperor from 161 to 180). The delegation, reported to have arrived at Annam, was probably a group of Syrians or Palmyrans who, rather than official envoys sent by Antoninus, were merchants.35

The discovery of Roman gold coins, along with a series of other artefacts, at Oc-Eo at the lower reaches of the Mekong River in Southeast Asia, is a fact noteworthy in relation to this visit to Annam. Some of these gold coins, dated to 152, were coins of Marcus Aurelius’ predecessor Antoninus Pius (152), a very telling detail for trade between the East and the West which was taking place at that time. These artefacts, presumed to have belonged to Indian merchants,36 may offer clues as to the role of India in the inter-regional trade of the time. It should be remembered in this connection that Antoninus Pius, as a matter of fact, did receive Indian envoys around this time.37

02 ROMAN GLASS

The Syrian glass industry holds important keys for unlocking the mystery of Silk Road trade.38 Glass was first manufactured in Syria and its environs, around the middle of the second millennium BC. The art of blowing glass, in particular, is known to have been invented in Roman Syria, toward the late first century BC. The technique of glass blowing was later transmitted to the Mediterranean region between the end of the 1st century BC and the 1st century AD.39

In the transmission of Roman glass to outside regions, Bagram, a city in the Kushan Empire which ruled present-day Tajikistan, Afghanistan and northern India during the 3rd century, served as a major trade intermediary. Along with Indian artefacts and Chinese lacquerwares, an impressive array of Roman glassware has been found in Bagram, which is in present-day Afghanistan. Concerning the glass cups, excavated in the Bagram region, whose analysis at the time of their discovery in the 1930s was based on stylistic evidence, we now know, from findings through modern analytical techniques, that they are distinct from Roman glass produced in the Syro-Palestine region, and that they are closest to that produced in Egypt. The date of manufacture is currently estimated to be sometime between 50 and 125. These glasswares reached Bagram by transiting through the Red Sea and India by sea route, then overland through the Hindu Kush. The available evidence suggests that they were clearly headed for China, before they got stranded in Bagram.40

An important detail to evoke in this regard is the discovery of an Alexandria-made statue of Serapis in Bagram.41 Using this additional link, we can now retrace once again how the statue of Serapis reached Khotan in Xinjiang [新疆]: the path would begin in Alexandria, transiting through the Red Sea, India, the Indus River, Bagram and Hindu Kush, before reaching its final destination in Khotan. Bagram, in other words, was the point of transfer for Chinese goods headed for the West, where these land-transported goods were loaded onto boats to reach Indian ports.

03 TOMB MURALS OF PALMYRA

As said earlier, Palmyra was a major center for Silk Road trade during the Roman period in Syria. A desert oasis city, Palmyra was made part of the Roman province of Syria in 17, but had its own desert army and enjoyed a degree of autonomy. After being placed under the direct control of Rome in 129, the city declared its independence in 260, under Queen Zenobia, seizing the opportunity opened by the Roman defeat in the war against the Sasanians. The independence of Palmyra was short-lived, as it was crushed by the Roman army little more than ten years later, in 273. Many Roman-style architectural remains including temples, amphitheatres, agoras, basilicas, baths and the necropolis have survived to the present, vivid reminders of the past of this once-flourishing ancient city. A series of hypogea, the tower-like underground burial chambers, still preserved in Palmyra are architectural treasures, which also provide precious insights into how its ancient inhabitants viewed the afterlife.

The ‘Three Brothers’ Tomb (161-191), one of these hypogea, is of particular interest. Its relatively well-preserved interior features murals of high significance for the history of art, comparable in importance and stylistic characteristics to East Asian Buddhist murals like Dunhuang mural paintings.

The above-ground entrance leads to descending steps, at the end of which there are two side-rooms in the left and right wings, and a path leading to the main burial chamber, forming a layout in the shape of the letter ‘T’ inversed. The main burial chamber has a barrel vault ceiling, and murals are present both on the ceiling and walls. Whilst the burial chamber itself is rather exotic,42 the interior decoration (the theme and style of the murals) is considered generally Greco-Syrian.43

The section where the vertical walls meet with the curved line of the vaulted ceiling is surrounded by a decorative cornice of even width, featuring a dentil pattern (Figure 14).44 It is in fact a trompe-l’oeil45 cornice, so skilfully painted onto the edge of the ceiling that it appears quite like a real moulding. On the front of the hypogeum’s burial chamber is depicted Achilles, a hero from Greek mythology who symbolizes the immortality of the soul, offering glimpses into the afterlife view of the ancient inhabitants of Palmyra.

( Figure 14 ) Left: Dentil cornice motif, ca. 161-191, Mural in main burial chamber of Three Brothers Tomb in Palmyra

A real example of a cornice with dentil pattern, not a painted version, is found on the hypogeum of Elahbel (Figure 15),46 indicating that such cornices, whether painted or real, were an established type at the time. The discovery of the same type of cornice in a tomb mural (1st - 2nd century) from Pantikapaion in the northern Black Sea area, enables us to surmise the route of transmission of this type of cornice (Figure 16). The art of Pantikapaion, a Greek colony since the 6th century BC, is generally Greco-Schythian in stylistic characteristics.47

( Figure 15 ) Right: Hypogeum of Elahbel, AD 103, Palmyra

( Figure 16 ) Dentil cornice motif, 1st-2nd century, Pantikapaion tomb mural, northern Black Sea area

The dentil cornice motif, Hellenistic in origin, was also popular in Roman-Syrian tomb murals found on the northern shore of the Black Sea. How this motif later made its way into the cave temples of Central Asia is an interesting point of enquiry. Examples of the cornice motif in Kizil cave murals include that in the main chamber of Cave 47 (5th century) (Figure 17) from the early period, and that in the main chamber and western and eastern walls of Cave 8 (7th century) from the mid-period. The walls are punctuated at even intervals with square-shaped mortises that used to hold brackets for a wooden balcony,48 and below the holes the cornice motif continues to the sides. The Dunhuang caves do not have such holes for brackets, but are otherwise decorated in similar fashion to the Kizil caves. Indeed the dentil cornice motif can be found in most of the Dunhuang caves, on the ceiling and the walls, executed over a wide-ranging period, from early Northern Liang [北涼] Cave 272) (Figure 18), Northern Wei [࣫北魏] (Cave 254), Western Wei [西魏] (Cave 249), Northern Zhou [北周] (Cave 461), Sui [隋] (Cave 302) and late Sui to Early Tang. From the Tang [唐] Dynasty when the painting style in the cave murals took on a stronger local Chinese (Tang) flavor, the cornice motif disappeared along with the chiaroscuro technique, attesting to the Silk Road’s role in transmission of the cornice motif. Meanwhile, the dome of Cave 11 of the Bamiyan Caves features the same repeated tortoise motif as is found in the Three Brothers Tomb of Palmyra,49 and can be understood as a reproduction of the latter.

( Figure 17 ) Dentil cornice motif, 5th century, Mural from main chamber of Kizil Cave 47

( Figure 18 ) Dentil cornice motif, Early Northern Liang, first half of 5th century, Mural from Dunhuang Cave 272

In conclusion, this unique cornice motif, which originated in Syrian tomb murals, appeared in the Bamiyan Buddhist caves as it moved eastward. The upper wall of Bamiyan’s West Great Buddha Cave50 (Cave 620, 5th century) also features square holes for balcony props with a dentil cornice motif running across the wall underneath them (Figure 19).

( Figure 19 ) Dentil cornice motif, 5th century, Mural in Bamiyan’s West Great Buddha Cave (Cave 620)

The above-mentioned issues should now be examined from one or two perspectives.

First is the fact that the dentil cornice motif, which originated in tomb murals, was later transmitted to Buddhist cave temples. On this point, it is likely that when tombs shifted from underground burial types to building-type tombs such as hypogea, reference was made to temple architecture when creating the interiors. This is exemplified by the cupola in the northern sanctuary of the Temple of Bel, one of the most representative architectural realizations from the Palmyra period, which features a cornice and tortoiseshell pattern executed in low relief.51 Hence it can be said that the cornice motif was related to religious architecture from the beginning.

Second, we should remember that in the 5th century, Bamiyan, Kizil in eastern Turkistan, and Dunhuang were separated both by space and time. In the 5th century Bamiyan was influenced artistically by the late Gandharan Buddhist images, characterized by the use of the stucco technique, and politically fell under the control of Sasanian Iran. These influences are reflected in Bamiyan murals, which feature motifs of beads, birds holding petals in their beaks, and crescent shaped crown ornaments.

In the same period, Kizil, which formed part of eastern Turkistan, fell under the control of Northern Wei, which had conquered Zhongyuan [中原], China proper. As for Sasanian Empire, it maintained active diplomatic relations with Northern Wei from the time it sent its first envoys in 455 until its demise, and such exchanges between the two states played an important role in the spread of Iranian culture to East Asia. The international situation at the time explains how the Western cornice motif found its way into the art of Kizil and Dunhuang.

Based on evidence from existing sites, the transmission of the cornice motif can be chronologically organized as follows: Temple of Bel (1st century BC), Three Brothers tomb (1st century AD), Pantikapaion tomb mural (1st -2nd century AD), Bamiyan caves (5th century), Kizil caves (5th century), and Dunhuang caves (5th century). The journey of the cornice motif across the Eurasian continent, in fact, did not end in Central Asia, but even further east, as it also appears in stylized form in Goguryeo tomb murals (Figure 20),52 a great testimony to the amazing cultural highway that was the Silk Road.

( Figure 20 ) Dentil cornice motif, Second half of 5th century, Susan-ri Goguryeo tomb mural

04 CHIAROSCURO

Realism characterizing Mediterranean art finds its early expressions in Roman murals and mosaics. The so-called chiaroscuro style, emphasizing contrast between light and shadow, was the chief technique used to bring out realistic qualities in pictorial representations. The chiaroscuro technique appears to have traveled beyond Roman controlled regions: in the decorative woolen textile excavated from Sampula near Khotan, representing a centaur and a Caucasian soldier, both the centaur and the soldier’s face was given depth using chiaroscuro (Figure 21).

( Figure 21 ) Decorative wall hanging, Han Dynasty, Excavated from Luopu near Khotan, Museum of Xinjiang, Uighur Autonomous Region

This is an excellent example of Hellenistic cultural elements integrated into the art of regions beyond West Asia. The likely path of transmission of this technique to Central Asia would be through Parthia, an Iranian Dynasty whose society and culture were under heavy Hellenistic influence. Documentary evidence to this effect is also available. Ancient records found in Khotan confirm that there were Iranians living in this region around this period.53

Also interesting are the quatrefoil rosettes depicted in the background of the centaur textile (Figure 22), which are identical to the pattern on an ancient fabric (early 3rd century) discovered in the Dura-Europos region of Syria (Figure 23).54 Dura-Europos was an eastern outpost for the Romans and a major center of commerce, until it was conquered by Sasanian Emperor Shahpur I during the third century. This same pattern subsequently became popular in the Sasanian Empire.55

( Figure 22 ) Left: Quatrefoil rosettes, Han Dynasty, Excavated from Luopu near Khotan, Museum of Xinjiang, Uighur Autonomous Region

( Figure 23 ) Right: Pattern on an ancient fabric, early 3rd century. Excavated from the Dura-Europos region of Syria, Yale University Museum

V ANCIENT ROME AND PARTHIAN, SASANIAN IRAN

Imperial Rome had frequent conflicts with Parthia over Syria, the prosperous region sandwiched between them. Both sides had their own reasons for coveting Syria. Whilst the Romans had a keen interest in Hellenistic regions in general, for the Parthians, it was the question of recovering a region which once belonged to the old Iranian Achaemenid Dynasty. The prospect of furthering trade revenue from the Silk Road added fuel to this clash of territorial ambitions as well. The first military clash between Parthia and Rome (92 BC) was over Anatolia.56 At stake was their trade interest, as the majority of goods arriving from China transited through Parthia at that time.57

In 53 BC, a major battle broke out between Rome and Parthia at Carrhae on the upper reaches of the Euphrates. The battle ended in a crushing defeat for the Romans. The Romans lost three-fourths of their men, with Marcus Licinius Crassus, governor of Syria, killed in the fighting. During this battle, the Romans were deeply impressed by gleaming banners hoisted by the Parthians, made of silk unknown to them.58 The Romans were again defeated by the Sasanians in 260, at Edessa lying further north from Carrhae, with Emperor Valerian himself taken captive by the enemy. A large number of Romans were captured and taken to Iran over these two wars.59

It is almost certain that Roman migrants who had reached Antioch contributed to the creation of the mosaic in Shahpur I’s (r. 241-272) palace in Bishapur,60 a point which has intrigued many scholars. The mosaic features numerous Roman-style themes, such as women in a leaning position, dancing women, scenes of performance of musical instruments and floral wreaths (Figure 24). The rockface sculpture in Bishapur, commemorating the Sasanian victory, is also known to have been made by Roman captives.61 It may seem ironical that the Parthians, sworn enemies of the Romans, so readily borrowed elements of Roman art.

( Figure 24 ) Left: Woman playing the harp, 3rd century, Mosaic in Shahpur I’s palace in Bishapur, Louvre, Paris

However, it is very meaningful to note that Daniel Schlumberger who calls Parthian art “a non-Mediterranean offspring of Greek art,” emphasizes at the same time the Greco-Iranian characteristics of this art.62

01 PARTHIAN SHOT

Of the many theories on the origins of the Parthian shot (archers mounted on a horse running in retreat position, turning their bodies to the opposite direction to shoot at the enemy), the one proposed by Michael Rostovtzeff is arguably the most convincing.63 The oldest surviving artefacts depicting the Parthian shot are Assyrian and date from the eighth to the seventh century BC. According to Rostovtzeff, this theme was borrowed from nomadic peoples like Cimmerians and Scythians. In 1943, Rostotzeff cited early artefacts representing the Parthian shot, chosen among items in the collection of the State Museum of Berlin. Two decades later, in 1964, Jettmar resumed this discussion in his book Art of Steppes, dating the first appearance of this theme to the mid-ninth century BC, in other words, about one century earlier than did Rostotzeff, using artefacts from the British Museum as evidence.64 Aside from the origins, another important question concerning this theme is why it was named “Parthian shot,” and not something else.

One possible explanation of the fact that this theme, when it was spread to other Greco-Roman cultures, was particularly frequently found in representations of Parthian archers could be that it became associated with their bravery, thanks to the exploit in the Battle of Carrhae (53 BC) which cost the life of a Roman governor. This pictorial theme also probably spread, after this battle, to regions further east and west, eventually becoming integrated also into Chinese art of the Han Dynasty through trade and exchange between the latter and Parthia.

Pictorial representations of the Parthian shot were found both in China and Goguryeo. The Han-Dynasty stone relief [畵像石] from an era contemporary to the Parthian period,65 and the bronze-cylinder chariot fitting [金象嵌狩獵文銅筒] dating from the Former Han period (believed to be found in Pyeongyang, collection of Tokyo University of Arts) (Figure 25)66 are among the best-known examples of artefacts suggesting a possible link between Parthia and Goguryeo. The appearance of the horseman depicted on the chariot fitting suggests that he was a Xiongnu man, which would mean that this motif was transmitted to Goguryeo from the north.67 The fact that the Parthian shot theme on Goguryeo’s Muyongchong murals (5th century) predates the first appearance of the same theme in Central Asia (Dunhuang Cave 249, ca. mid-6th century) may also be explained by this difference in transmission path.

( Figure 25 ) Right: Bronze-cylinder chariot fitting, Former Han period, believed to have been found in Pyeongyang, Tokyo University of the Arts

VI SASANIAN DYNASTY AND CHINA

The Sasanian Dynasty maintained a rather close relationship with China. In 445, the Sasanians sent their first envoys to the Northern Wei. Between then and the year 522, Sasanian envoys were dispatched to China ten times, suggesting quite a friendly relationship. The massive exile of Sasanian royals and ruling elite members to the Tang Dynasty, when the Dynasty fell to the Arabs, is also evidence of the close ties between the two sides. Hence, it would be only natural to assume that Sasanian art had a certain direct influence on Chinese art of that time.

Another area that had close relations with Iran was Sogdiana. Geographically Sogdiana neighbored Parthian and Sasanian Iran and naturally came into contact with Iranian culture. Hence Sogdian art shows Iranian characteristics.68

01 CUT GLASS

The ancient Iranian blown glass industry, largely influenced by Roman Syrian glass making,69 was well developed since the Parthian period. However, technically-sophisticated glasses like cut glass were manufactured starting from the Sasanian Dynasty. Cut glass, also known as “wheel-cut glass,” in reference to its fabrication method, is believed to be related to the hexagonal tortoiseshell design.70 As is well-known, the eastward journey of cut glasswares, originating from the Sasanian Empire, extended to Xinjiang and as far as Pingcheng (modern Datong [大同] in Shanxi Province), the capital city of the Northern Wei Dynasty. Sasanian glasswares were also found in ancient Silla tombs (Figure 26), in some quantity71 and even in the collection of Shosoin (正倉院) in Nara, Japan’s imperial treasure house. Cut glass works in a fine state of preservation, with transparent facets, mirror and reflect the tortoiseshell designs in reduced size.72

( Figure 26 ) Cut glasswares, 5th century, Excavated from Northern mound of Hwangnam-daechong Tumulus, Gyeongju National Museum

02 RHYTA AND SILVERWARE

In West Asia, a rhyton, a type of figurative pottery, appeared toward 1,000 BC.73 Under the Achaemenid Dynasty (6th-4th century BC), gold and silver rhyta bearing intricate surface designs became popular, and left a palpable influence on neighboring Scythia. As rhyta evolved through the Parthian period and the ensuing Sasanian Dynasty, they gained in terms of variety of both materials and style. More rhyta represented human faces, a clear change from rhyta of preceding generations, dominated by animal themes (Figure 27).74 Human face-shaped rhyta, whose surviving examples are quite rare, were discovered in Yotkan, Khotan area, Xinjiang (Figure 28),75 confirming the existence of Iranian-style art in Central Asian regions along the southern Silk Road.

( Figure 27 ) Rhyton in the shape of a human face, 3rd century, Sasanian Dynasty, British Museum

( Figure 28 ) Rhyton in the shape of a human face, 4th century, Excavated from Yoktan, Khotan area, Museum of Xinjiang, Uighur Autonomous Region

Though the widely-held view is that Sasanian silverware was generally not intended for domestic use, this does not necessarily mean that similar silverwares found elsewhere were all manufactured in the Iranian region.76 Hence, existing theories about the origins of silverwares discovered in ancient Korea, such as the silver bowl with hexagonal designs excavated from Hwangnam-daechong [皇南大塚] Tumulus of Silla,77 may have to be re-examined.78

A popular Sasanian metalworking technique was the application of gilding on silverwares to beautify the item and accent important parts, especially vessel rims. This technique originated around the 5th century BC in the Greek regions of the western Black Sea area and was later transmitted to West Asia (Figure 29).79 What is surprising, however, is that the same technique also reached as far as the Silla Kingdom. Various covered silver bowls discovered from the southern and northern mounds of Hwangnam-daechong Tumulus are accented with gold on the rims of the lid and bowl [盒], and on the knob of the lid (Figure 30).80 The movement of this technique needs further investigation along with the eastward movement of Roman glass.

( Figure 29 ) Silver bowl, First half of 4th century BC, From Borovo in Bulgaria, Russe Museum of History

( Figure 30 ) Covered silver bowl, Second half of 4th century-first half of 5th century, Southern mound of Hwangnam-daechong Tumulus, Gyeongju National Museum

03 SOGDIAN PAINTING TECHNIQUES

Traditional ossuaries or burial urns of Sogdiana have human figures in relief below the arched line, a style distinctly Hellenistic.81 The drapery depiction of the human figure in relief is also quite strongly reminiscent of Greco-Roman style (Figure 31).82 Such Hellenistic influences can be explained to an extent by the historical geopolitical conditions in Sogdiana. After its initial exposure to Greek culture during the eastern conquests of Alexander the Great, Sogdiana continued to remain in contact with it, thanks to culturally Hellenistic neighbors such as Parthia and Greek colonies in the environs, like Bactria.

( Figure 31 ) Sogdian human figure relief figure on ossuary, 6th-7th century, National Archaeological Museum, Samarkand

Traditionally it has been believed that the so-called caoyichushui (wet drapery) technique [曹衣出水] in traditional Chinese painting (mid-6th century), named after Cao Zhongda [曺仲達], an artist of the Northern Qi [北齊] Dynasty, was of Sogdian origin, but little research had been carried out to confirm this. In recent years, however, it has been revealed that the caoyichushui technique is consistent with the style of drapery depiction on the Hellenistic-style Sogdian ossuaries, a clear indication that the former derived from the latter.83

Moreover, discovery of the same kind of close drapery in the art of Kizil, midway between Sogdiana and China, provides evidence of the eastward movement of this style.84 More intriguing perhaps are the echoes of the Sogdian style detected in Goguryeo tomb murals (Ohoebun [五盔墳] Tomb 4, mid-6th century), shedding new light on the influence of the Silk Road on Goguryeo culture (Figure 32).85

( Figure 32 ) God of fire, First half of 6th century, Goguryeo tomb mural from Ohoebun Tomb 4 in Ji’an, China

Given the vast trajectory of influence of the Sogdian culture, it may not be altogether surprising if these two regions, even though separated by a great distance, were indeed culturally linked.86 In light of the friendly relations between Northern Qi and Goguryeo, it is quite possible that the unique style and expression of Goguryeo tomb murals was based on the caoyichushui technique transmitted through Northern Qi.87

The transmission of the Hellenistic art tradition of Central Asia to Goguryeo via Sogdiana marks an important page in the history of Goguryeo’s exchange with other countries.

VII CONCLUSION

The points in this paper are as follows:

First, the past century’s research in the Silk Road art and archaeology has resulted in a vast body of knowledge. Korean Silk Road research, however, has been somewhat lop-sidedly focused on China (Central Asia, and particularly Xinjiang), the latter being the provenance of the ‘silk’ in question. To put it another way, past Korean research has tended to look at the transmission of Western cultural elements to Central Asia and East Asia almost exclusively at the level of their adoption and acceptance. Due to this focus, the circumstances in the western end of this trade route have been largely overlooked. Warwick Ball, for instance, challenged the received idea88 about the Silk Road trade, saying that the principal item Rome imported from the East was incense, and not silk.89 Indeed, rethinking the Silk Road from the other end, West Asia may yield new discoveries and perspectives on this historical Eurasian channel of cultural exchange.

Second, the transportation of exports from ancient China through the Silk Road relied, to reach the Roman region (including Roman colonies), more on sea routes than land routes. Research on the maritime Silk Road is far from non-extant. Japanese scholarship, for instance, has been keenly interested in the role of the sea routes of India and the Red Sea in East-West exchange during antiquity.90 The aim of this paper, by re-emphasizing the importance of maritime routes, is to draw attention to West Asia, the long neglected player in Silk Road trade.

Third, as far as the Silk Road is concerned, it is hardly an exaggeration to say that West Asia was the true embodiment of Hellenism and Roman culture. Greco-Roman characteristics are pervasive in the area extending from Alexandria in Egypt to Palmyra and Damascus in Syria. Even if Greco-Roman cultural elements were originally foreign imports, West Asia integrated them into their own regional aesthetics, reinventing them, in other words, into their own, of which the process is manifested by local styles such as Greco-Iranian style.

Fourth, ancient Korea was an integral member of the Silk Road culture. This paper has paid particular attention to regions which had been the provenance of foreign cultural elements that became interwoven with elements native to the ancient Korean peninsula, in an effort to cast light on the latter’s relationship with Central Asia and regions lying further west.

The Silk Road Extended to Korea