Journal of Korean Art & Archaeology 2008, Vol.2 pp.126-165
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The majority of the court documentary paintings of the Joseon dynasty are commemorative paintings of court rites presided over by the king. Among these, there are extant today thirteen paintings pertaining to the Crown Prince, all produced between the sixteenth and nineteenth centuries. Four of these were commissioned by the Sigang-won, Tutorial Office for the Crown Prince. They include an eight-panel commemorative folding screen illustrating the investiture ceremony to appoint the Heir Apparent or Crown Prince Munhyo (1782-1786); an album of six scenes created to commemorate Crown Prince Hyomyeong (1809-1830)'s commencement of learning at the Seonggyun-gwan; an album of five scenes illustrating the rites pertaining to the Crown Prince's hoegang (會講: review session); and a thirteen-page painting album with no inscription or annotation referring to its subject matter, but comparative analysis indicates that it is the Crown Prince's coming-of-age ceremony granting formal admission into adulthood. The remaining paintings are nine albums produced in the late eighteenth and nineteenth century illustrating various court ceremonies related to the Crown Prince. These painting albums are distinctly different from the folding screens that were then the favored form of documentary paintings. Their instructional nature reflects the special relationship between the Crown Prince and the officials of the Sigang-won, and highlights the initiative and special consideration undertaken by the latter for the education of the former. They also underline the political background during the reigns of Kings, Jeongjo, Sunjo, and Gojong with respect to policies introduced to strengthen the monarchy and the status of the Sigang-won. In conclusion, the Joseon documentary paintings that concern the Crown Prince are closely related with the political currents of the time such as the political reinforcement of the monarchy and of the Sigang-won. Such political links most likely served as an important catalyst in the production of documentary paintings. There is a need to analyze further from political and social perspectives the dynamics between the political setting and the actual participants involved in the production of these paintings, whose names are sometimes listed in full in the works.
The majority of the gungjung girokhwa (宮中記錄畫: court documentary paintings) of the Joseon dynasty are commemorative paintings of state ceremonies presided over by the king. Until the early eighteenth century, the themes of the gungjung girokhwa did not diverge far from the following: various kinds of palace banquets, ceremonies for the Giroso (耆老所: Office of the Elders), and administrative ceremonies, that is, the rites of the Board of Personnel (吏曹, Ijo) and the Ministry of War (兵曹, Byeongjo). In other words, early Joseon gungjung girokhwa did not necessarily depict ceremonies concerned with the Crown Prince (王世子, wangseja). However, during the reign of King Yeongjo (英祖, r. 1724-1776), who took much interest in visually recording the official events and ceremonies over which he himself presided, the themes of the gungjung girokhwa became more diverse than ever before. Since the late eighteenth century, realistically depicted gungjung girokhwa mainly featuring the donggung-uirye (東宮儀禮: court ceremonies related to the Crown Prince) were more frequently produced.
The Joseon Crown Prince was obliged to undergo a series of initiation ceremonies from birth to enthronement, such as education as the wonja (元子: eldest royal son), appointment as the wangseja, entrance to the Seonggyun-gwan (成均館: National Confucian Academy), seoyeon (書筵: formal court lessons given to the seja), gwallye (冠禮: coming-of-age ceremony granting formal admission into adulthood), and garye (嘉禮: royal nuptials).1 The education of the Crown Prince was of pivotal importance and deemed to be directly relevant to the fate of the nation since what the Crown Prince learned or did not learn would determine whether peace or disorder would befall the nation.
Thirteen Joseon paintings recording donggung uirye are known (see Table 1), the earliest painted in 1535.2 All thirteen are commemorative paintings of the administrative offices. In content the paintings are either recordings of court rites or ceremonial invocations of good auspices. The former were mostly produced by the Seja sigang-won (世子侍講院: Tutorial Office for the Crown Prince, hereafter “Sigang-won”), responsible for educating and serving the Crown Prince, while the latter were produced by various offices such as Chaegnyedogam (冊禮都監: Superintendency of Royal Investiture Ceremony), Seonjeon gwancheong (宣傳官廳: Spokesperson's Bureau), and Sansilcheong (産室廳: Royal Maternity Directorate).
Title | Date of production | Ritual type | Contents | Participants | Format | Number of leaves |
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
Jungmyojo seoyeon-gwan sayeondo | 1535 | Seoyeon-gwan sayeon | Sayeon | Seoyeon-gwan, Gyeong-yeon-gwan, Chunchugwan | Hanging scroll (original) Painting album (present) |
17 |
Simindang yadaejido | 1663 | Yadae | Yadae | Sigang-won | Hanging scroll | 18 |
Simindangdocheop | 1670 | Gwallye | Gwallye | Sigang-won | Painting album | 13 |
Wangseja chaegnyedogam gyebyeong | 1690 | Chaegnye | Sansu | Chaegnyedogam | Eight-fold screen | 2 |
Munhyoseja chaegnye gyebyeong | 1784 | Chaegnye | Chaegnye | Sigang-won | Eight-fold screen | 1 |
Wangseja chaegnye gyebyeong | 1800 | Chaegnye | Yojiyeon | Seonjeon-gwancheong | Eight-fold screen | 3 |
Wangseja tanganggyebyeong | 1812 | Tan-gang | Yojiyeon | Sansilcheong | Eight-fold screen | |
Wangseja iphakdocheop | 1817 | Entrance to Seonggyun-gwan | Entrance to Seonggyun-gwan | Sigang-won | Painting album | 6 |
Ikjong gwallyejinha gyebyeong | 1819 | Gwallye | Jinharye | Dangsang at Seungjeong-won | Eight-fold screen | 15 |
Sugyodocheop | 1819 (?) | Gwallye | none) | Painting album | 12 | |
Hoegang banchadocheop | Early 19th century | Hoegang | (none) | Painting album | 11 | |
Wangseja tan-gang gyebyeong | 1874 | Tan-gang | Jinha | Sansilcheong | Ten-fold screen | 20 |
Wangseja duhupyeongbokjinha gyebyeong | 1879 | Recovery from smallpox | Chaekbong/ Jinha | Owidochongbu/ Wijangso | Ten-fold screen/ Eight-fold screen | 4, 5 |
( Table 1 ) List of gyechuk, gyecheop, and gyebyeong pertaining to the wangseja
This paper focuses on paintings of the former category and examines ceremonial documentary paintings that depict in realistic detail the chaekbongnye (冊封禮: investiture ceremony), iphagnye (入學禮: ceremony for the commencement of learning), and gwallye of the Crown Prince. It analyzes in particular the motives behind their creation and their motifs. Artistically, the following paintings represent well the three wangseja-related ceremonies: Munhyoseja chaegnye gyebyeong (文孝世子冊禮契屛: Folding Screen of Munhyo Seja's Investiture Ceremony); Wangseja iphakdocheop (王世子入學圖帖: Painting Album of the Commencement of Learning for the Crown Prince); Hoegang banchadocheop (會講班次圖帖: Painting Album of the Review Session); and Sugyodocheop (受敎圖帖: Painting Album of Receiving the Royal Edict). These paintings have yet to undergo a thorough scrutiny and this paper is an attempt at that task.
The paintings listed above all depict donggung uirye in graphic detail and were all produced by the Sigang-won. Furthermore, it is significant that four paintings are related to Hyomyeong Seja - who ruled as regent for King Sunjo (r. 1800-1834) from 1827 to 1830.3 This paper seeks to answer why these court documentary paintings produced by the Sigang-won share common characteristics, and also why paintings related to Crown Prince Hyomyeong were produced so often.
The office (衙門, amun) charged with educating the Joseon Crown Prince was called the Sigang-won. This office was originally named Sejagwansok (世子官屬) when the dynasty instituted the government bureaux of civil and military officials during the first year of the reign of King Taejo (太祖, r. 1392-1398).4 At the time of its creation, the office was charged with the twofold mission of education and royal protection – ganghak and siwi. Considering that the name, Sigang-won, first appears in the record of the 2nd day of the sixth month of the twelfth year (1466) of King Sejo (世祖, r. 1455-1468) in the Annals of the Joseon Dynasty, it is believed that the institution was established sometime between 1392 and 1466.5
The Gyeonggukdaejeon, Complete Code of Law prescribed the Sigang-won as an office of the sixth rank (jongsampum amun). The office was supervised by a sa (師: head teacher) and a bu (傅: deputy teacher), positions concurrently held by the yeong-uijeong (領議政: Chief State Councilor) and u-uijeong (右議政: Third State Councilor), respectively. Lower in the hierarchy was the position of yisa (貳師: assistant teacher), also a concurrent position held by the fourth and fifth chanseong (贊成: state councilor). Below yisa, there were also the honorary positions of jwabin- and ubin-gaek (左· 右賓客 : Sigang-won officials of the third rank invited to teach the seja the Confucian classics and morals) and their deputies jwabubin- and ububin-gaek (左· 右副賓客). The chief administrator of the Sigang-won was for practical purposes the bodeok (輔德: chief administrator of the Sigang-won, official of jongsampum [從三品: the sixth rank]). In the daily operation of the Sigang-won, the bodeok supervised staff consisting of pilseon (弼善) of the seventh rank (正四品, jeongsapum), munhak (文學) of the ninth rank (正五品, jeong-opum), saseo (司書) of the eleventh rank (正六品, jeongnyukpum), and seolseo (設書) of the thirteenth rank (正七品, jeongchilpum). According to the Sok-daejeon (續大典: Supplement to the National Code), compiled in 1746, gyeom (兼: adjunct position) for concurrent employment were created for each of these. Moreover, qualified members of the sallim (山林: out-of-office literati) class who had not passed the civil service examination (科擧, gwageo) could be appointed to other positions such as additional teacher (贊善, chanseon) of jeongsampum, the fifth rank, adviser (進善, jinseon) of the seventh rank, and clerk (諮議, jaui) of the thirteenth rank.6
With a view to strengthening the power of the sovereign, King Yeongjo and King Jeongjo made concerted efforts to reinforce the function and prestige of the Sigang-won.7 To add prestige to the Sigang-won, King Yeongjo reinstated the practice of formal bows between the seja and his head and deputy teachers that had previously been abolished. King Yeongjo also established the new position of yuseon (諭善: chief administrator) of the fifth rank in the Seson gangseowon (世孫講書院: Tutorial Office for the Crown Prince's eldest son) in 1759, when he appointed Jeongjo, his grandson, as wangseson (王世孫: the eldest son of the Crown Prince and next in line to succeed to the throne). The intention was to reinforce the education of royal heirs across two successive generations.
King Jeongjo also took several steps to strengthen the role of the Sigang-won immediately after the birth of his son, Munhyo Seja. It is significant that Jeongjo promoted bodeok and gyeombodeok from the sixth rank to the fifth-rank position of dangsanggwan (堂上官: official of the fifth rank with the authority to participate in the debates and banquets at the palace halls), when there was at the time no higher-ranking official within the Sigang-won.8 What is noteworthy here is that Jeongjo did this in 1784, even before the investiture of his son, Munhyo Seja. By this move, the Sigang-won was placed on the same rank as the Samsa (三司: Three Offices of Remonstrance). Moreover, Jeongjo's intention to improve and to stabilize the functions of the Sigang-won is apparent in the completion of the Sigang-wonji (侍講院志: Records of Sigang-won [Rules and regulations governing the Sigang-won's organization] in 1784), which had been in preparation when Jeongjo held the title of wangseson. The editor of the protocol was Yu Uiryang (柳義養, 1718-?), one of Jeongjo's tutors in the years when he was second in line to the throne as wangseson. The Sigang-wonji chronicles in detail the historical records related to the organizational regulations, ceremonies, and educational contents of the Sigang-won.
In the case of an ordinary family, the customary age for holding gwallye or coming-of-age ceremony for a son is yakgwan (弱冠: twenty). In contrast, at the royal court, the rule was to hold the eldest son's gwallye at the age of twelve, according to the Uirye (儀禮: Book of Etiquette and Ceremonies). This early age of initiation was derived from the belief that the king was the source of the wanggyo (王敎: royal order) hence the code of the royal family should be different from that of other families. The primary reason that Koreans deemed the gwallye essential was the belief that only upon the performance of the ceremony could one come into one's own as a man of principles and establish ritual and proper etiquette.9
Regarding these ceremonies, the issues most often debated within the court were the proper age for the Crown Prince's gwallye and the proper order of performance of the chaegnye (冊禮: investiture ceremony), gwallye, and iphagnye. During the reign of King Seongjong (成宗, r. 1469-1494) the proper age for the gwallye became a contentious issue, and during the reign of King Jeongjong (定宗, r. 1398-1400) and King Injo (仁祖, r. 1595-1649) the sequence between the gwallye and chaegnye was deliberated. During the reign of King Hyeonjong (顯宗, r. 1659-1674) the proper age for the iphagnye and for the gwallye was debated.10 One reason for the frequent debate over the right age for these rites was that there were many instances in which the standard rule of age eight for the iphagnye and age twelve for the gwallye could not be met.
For instance, Prince Haeyang (海陽大君, Haeyang Daegun, 1468-1469), who was to reign as King Yejong (睿宗, r. 1468-1469) underwent the iphagnye in the twelfth month of 1457, just ten days after he was invested with the title of seja, and his gwallye only about a month before his chaegnye. In other words, the daegun (大君: royal prince other than the seja) had the three ceremonies of chaegnye, iphagnye, and gwallye all within the same year; so did Sohyeon Seja (昭顯世子, 1612-1645). On the other hand, in the case of Sunhoe Seja (順懷世子, 1551-1563), the ceremonies were performed in the following unusual order: chaegnye, garye, gwallye, and iphagnye. Different again was the case of King Hyeonjong, who entered the Seonggyun-gwan one year after he had undergone all the ceremonies of chaegnye, gwallye, and garye in the third year (1651) of King Hyojong (孝宗, r. 1649-1659) (see Table 2).
Name as king with dates of birth and death (reign years) | Chaegnye (Investiture Ceremony) with age; year/month/day (AD) | Iphagnye (Commencement of Learning) with age; year/month/day (AD) | Gwallye (Coming-of-age Ceremony) with age; year/month/day (AD) | Garye (Royal Nuptials) with age; year/month/day (AD) | Enthronement with age; year/month/day (AD) |
---|---|---|---|---|---|
Taejo 太祖, 1335-1398 (r. 1392-1398) | Age 58; Taejo 1/?/? (1392) | ||||
Jeongjong 定宗, 1357-1419 (r. 1398-1400) | Age 42; Taejo 7/8/? (1398) | Age 42; Taejo 7/9/? (1398) | |||
Taejong 太宗, 1367-1422 (r. 1400-1418) | Age 34; Jeongjong 2/?/? (1400) as seje | Age 34; Jeongjong 2/?/? (1400) | |||
Prince Yangnyeong 讓寧大君, 1394-1462 | Age 11; Taejong 4/8/? (1404) | Age 10; Taejong 3/8/4 (1403) | |||
Sejong 世宗, 1397-1450 (r. 1418-1450) | Age 22; Taejong 18/4/? (1418) | Age 12; Taejong 8/?/? (1408) | Age 22; Taejong 18/8/11 (1418) | ||
Munjong 文宗, 1414-1452 (r. 1450-1452) | Age 8; Sejong 3/10/27 (1421) | Age 8; Sejong 3/12/25 (1421) | Age 24; Sejong 19/?/? (1437) | Age 37; Sejong 32/2/23 (1450) | |
Danjong 端宗, 1441-1457 (r. 1452-1455) | Age 8; Sejong 30/04/? (1448) | Age 8; Sejong 30/9/1 (1448) | Age 14; Danjong 2/?/? (1454) | Age 12; Munjong 5/18/? (1452) | |
Sejo 世袓, 1417-1468 (r. 1455-1468) | Age 12; Sejong 10/?/? (1428) | Age 39; Danjong 3/intercalary 6/? (1455) | |||
Prince Uigyeong 懿敬世子, 1438-1457 | Age 18; Sejo 1/intercalary 7/26 (1455) | Age 16; Danjong 1/4/? (1453) | Deokjong (德宗, posthumous title) | ||
Yejong 睿宗, 1450-1469 (r. 1468-1469) | Age 8; Sejo 3/12/15 (1457) | Age 8; Sejo 3/12/24 (1457) | Age 8; Sejo 3/11/07 (1457) | Age 11; Sejo 6/?/? (1460) | Age 19; Sejo 14/9/07 (1468) |
Seongjong 成宗, 1457-1494 (r. 1470-1494) | Age 13; Yejong 1/11/28 (1469) | ||||
Yeonsan-gun 燕山君, 1476-1506 (r. 1495-1506) | Age 8; Seongjong 14/02/? (1483) | Age 12; Seongjong 18/2/? (1487) | Age 19; Seongjong 25/12/24 (1494) | ||
Jungjong 中宗, 1488-1544 (r. 1506-1544) | Age 18; Yeonsan-gun 12/9/2 (1506) | ||||
Injong 仁宗, 1515-1545 (r. 1544-1545) | Age 6; Jungjong 15/4/? (1520) | Age 8; Jungjong 17/10/25 (1522) | Age 8; Jungjong 17/10/19 (1522) | Age 10; Jungjong 19/?/? (1524) | Age 30; Jungjong 39/1/1 (1544) |
Myeongjong 明宗, 1534-1567 (r. 1545-1567) | Age 12; Injong 1/7/6 (1545) | ||||
Prince Sunhoe 順懷世子, 1551-1563 | Age 7; Myeongjong 12/8/? (1557) | Age 10; Myeongjong 15/9/12 (1560) | Age 10; Myeongjong 15/08/29 (1560) | Age 10; Myeongjong 15/7/20 (1560) | |
Seonjo 宣祖, 1552-1608 (r. 1567-1607) | Jungjong's 7th son's 3rd son | Age 18; Seonjo 2/12/29 (1569) | Age 16; Myeongjong 22/7/3 (1567) | ||
Gwanghaegun 光海君, 1575-164 (r. 1609-1623) | Age 18; Seonjo 25/8/? (1592) | Age 23; Seonjo 30/4/? (1597) | Age 34; Seonjo 41/2/2 (1608) | ||
Injo 仁祖, 1595-1649 (r. 1623-1649) | Age 16; Gwanghaegun 2/5/11 (1610) as Wonjong (元宗, 1580-1619)'s wonja | Age 16; Gwanghaegun 2/5/6 (1610) | Age 13; Seonjo 39/?/? (1606) | Age 15; Gwanghaegun 1/?/? (1609) | Age 28; Gwanghaegun 15/3/14 (1623) |
Sohyeon Seja 昭顯世子, 1612-1645 | Age 14; Injo 3/1/27 (1625) | Age 14; Injo 3/10/17 (1625) | Age 14; Injo 3/1/21 (1625) | Age 16; Injo 5/?/? (1627) | |
Hyojong 孝宗, 1619-1659 (r. 1649-1659) | Age 27; Injo 23/9/27 (1645) | Age 27; Injo 23/10/12 (1645) | Age 27; Injo 23/09/27 (1645) | Age 31; Injo 27/5/13 (1649) | |
Hyeonjong 顯宗, 1641-1674 (r. 1659-1674) | Age 9; Injo 27/10/21 (1649) as seson Age 11; Hyojong 2/8/28 (1651) as seja | Age 12; Hyojong 3/4/12 (1652) | Age 11; Hyojong 2/8/9 (1651) | Age 11; Hyojong 2/8/28 (1651) | Age 19; Hyojong 10/5/09 (1659) |
Sukjong 肅宗, 1661-1720 (r. 1674-1720) | Age 7; Hyeonjong 8/1/22 (1667) | Age 9; Hyeonjong 10/8/25 (1669) | Age 10; Hyeonjong 11/3/? (1670) | Age 11; Hyeonjong 12/3/22 (1671) | Age 14; Hyeonjong 15/8/23 (1674) |
Gyeongjong 景宗, 1688-1724 (r. 1720-1724) | Age 3; Sukjong 16/6/16 (1690) | Age 8; Sukjong 21/3/12 (1695) | Age 8; Sukjong 21/4/18 (1695) | Age 9; Sukjong 22/5/19 (1696) | Age 33; Sukjong 46/6/13 (1720) |
Yeongjo 英祖, 1694-1776 (r. 1724-1776) | Age 28; Gyeongjong 1/9/26 (1721) as seje | Age 29; Gyeongjong 2/9/18 (1722) | Age 11; Sukjong 30?/? (1704) | Age 11; Sukjong 30/?/? (1704) | Age 31; Gyeongjong 4/8/30 (1724) |
Hyojang Seja 孝章世子, 1719-1728 | Age 7; Yeongjo 1/3/20 (1725) as Yeongjo's wonja | Age 9; Yeongjo 3/3/19 (1727) | Age 9; Yeongjo 3/9/09 (1727) | Age 9; Yeongjo 3/9/29 (1727) | King Jinjong (眞宗, posthumous title) |
Jangheon Seja 莊獻世子, 1735-1762 | Age 2; Yeongjo 12/ 3/15 (1736) as Yeongjo's 2nd son | Age 8; Yeongjo 18/3/26 (1742) | Age 8; Yeongjo 18/3/17 (1742) | Age 10; Yeongjo 20/?/? (1744) | King Jangjo (莊祖, posthumous title) |
Jeongjo 正祖, 1752-1800 (r. 1776-1800) | Age 8; Yeongjo 35/intercalary 6/22 (1759) as seson | Age 10; Yeongjo 37/3/10 (1761) | Age 10; Yeongjo 37/3/18 (1761) | Age 11; Yeongjo 38/?/? (1762) | Age 25; Yeongjo 52/3/10 (1776) |
Munhyo Seja 文孝世子, 1782-1785 | Age 3; Jeongjo 8/8/02 (1784) as Jeongjo's wonja | ||||
Sunjo 純祖, 1790-1834 (r. 1800-1834) | Age 11; Jeongjo 24/2/2 (1800) performed later | Age 11; Jeongjo 24/2/2 (1800) performed first | Age 13; Sunjo 2/?/? (1802) | Age 11; Jeongjo 24/7/04 (1800) | |
Hyomyeong Seja 孝明世子, 1809-1830 | Age 4; Sunjo 12/?/? (1812) as Sunjo's wonja | Age 9; Sunjo 1 | Age 11; Sunjo 19/3/? (1819) | Age 11; Sunjo 19/10/? (1819) | King Ikjong (翼宗, posthumous title) |
Heonjong 憲宗, 1827-1849 (r. 1835-1849) | Age 4; Sunjo 30/9/15 (1830) as seson | Age 8; Sunjo 34/?/? (1834) | Age 11; Heonjong 3/?/? (1837) | Age 8; Sunjo 34/11/18 (1834) | |
Cheoljong 哲宗, 1831-1863 (r. 1849-1863) | Age 19; Heonjong 15/?/? (1849) | Age 21; Cheoljong 2/?/? (1851) | Age 19; Heonjong 15/6/9 (1849) | ||
Gojong 高宗, 1852-1919 (r. 1863-1907) | Age 12; Cheoljong 14/?/? (1863) | Age 15; Cheoljong 17/?/? (1866) | Age 12; Cheoljong 14/?/? (1863) | ||
Sunjong 純宗, 1874-1926 (r. 1907-1910) | Age 2; Gojong 12/2/18 (1875) | Age 9; Gojong 19/1/10 (1882) | Age 9; Gojong 19/1/20 (1882) | Age 9; Gojong 19/2/21 (1882) | Age 33; Gwanghui 1/?/? (1907) |
( Table 2 ) Chaegnye, iphagnye, and gwallye undergone by the kings of the Joseon dynasty 11
King Jeongjo, based on the precedent set in 1651, tried to introduce an efficient way of implementing the ceremonies for the chaegnye, gwallye, and garye of Crown Prince Sunjo. First of all, Jeongjo created the office of superintendency (都監, dogam) of gwallye, and united it with the existing superintendency of chaegnye.12 Moreover, arguing that it was “to relieve the burden of his descendants,” Jeongjo worked toward reducing expenses and bringing efficiency and simplicity to the elaborate rituals by holding the chaegnye, gwallye, and garye all at the same time. In fact, King Jeongjo held Sunjo's chaegnye and gwallye on the second day of the second month (1800) with plans to hold Sunjo's garye in the twelfth month. However, Jeongjo was unable to carry out his plans in full due to his own unexpected death in the sixth month of that year. Of note in this regard are Hyojang Seja (孝章世子) and Sunjong, who had the iphagnye, gwallye, and garye all in the same year, during the reigns of King Yeongjo (1727) and King Gojong (1882), respectively.
As seen above, the age for being appointed seja, Heir Apparent, differed from case to case. In some cases, a prince would be enthroned as daegun before having been bestowed the formal title of wangseja, Crown Prince. In short, there was no fixed order or age for holding a wangseja's initiation ceremonies. Rather, until the time of King Hyojong, each case was sufficiently different from one another to the extent that any consistency in the order of the performance of ceremonies was not readily apparent. However, from the time of his successor King Hyeonjong, the sequence of first chaegnye, then iphagnye, followed by gwallye, and finally garye, became the norm. That is, after the mid-seventeenth century, from the time when the future King Sukjong (肅宗, r. 1674-1720) was the seja, this sequence of performance became the customary practice within the Joseon court.
The Sigang-won had exclusive institutional responsibility for the education of the wangseja. The seja of the Joseon dynasty, upon being invested with that title, underwent the state ceremony of iphak or commencement of learning at the Seonggyun-gwan in accordance with the code of the iphagnye as stipulated in the Gukjo oryeui (國朝五禮儀: Book on the Five Rites of State).13 From the time of being designated as the eldest son, the wangseja would have studied Chinese characters and have had formal meetings with his tutor. He would also have read the Chinese classics in formal court lessons. The wangseja's entrance to the Seonggyun-gwan was a symbolic ritual showing his loyalty to the study of the Confucian ethics in order to realize, as the heir apparent responsible for preserving the foundation of the state, the political ideals of Confucianism.
King Taejong (太宗, r. 1400-1418) was the first to preside over the iphagnye. In 1402, by his edict, a hakgung (學宮: special hall for royal study) was completed inside the Seonggyun-gwan.14 The following year, Taejong had the iphagnye for his first son, Prince Yangnyeong (讓寧大君), performed at the newly-built hakgung. The first to undergo the iphagnye as Crown Prince was Munjong (文宗, r. 1450-1452). King Sejong (世宗, r. 1418-1450) invested the title of seja on Munjong in the tenth month of 1421 and held the iphagnye two months later. At that time, Sejong also legislated the Chaekbong-uiju (冊封儀註: Investiture Protocol) and the Gwanuiju (冠儀註: Notes on the Gwallye Protocol). Therefore, although the iphagnye was introduced during the reign of King Taejong, the formal implementation of the ceremony for the seja took place during the reign of King Sejong.
The customary age for the iphagnye was eight, when one began the study of the Sohak (小學: Elementary Learning). However, it was often impossible to adhere to this standard age. In fact, there were only six kings who commenced learning at the age of eight: Munjong, Danjong (端宗, r. 1452-1455), Yejong, Injong (仁宗, r. 1544-1545), Gyeongjong (景宗, r. 1720-1724), and Jangjo (莊祖, also known as Sado Seja [思悼世子]). Some princes were already older than eight when they were appointed seja, and others, who acceded to the title of wangseja as a daegun, seje (世弟: the seja's oldest younger brother), or seson (世孫: eldest son of the seja), typically had their iphagnye when they were older than eight. In some cases, circumstances did not allow for the ceremony at all.
During the iphagnye, a baksa (博士: academic counselor) would be temporarily appointed to guide the wangseja. The baksa was usually a senior tutor of the seja, selected among the current daejehak (大提學: academic director).15 The iphagnye whereby the wangseja entered the Seonggyun-gwan as a student was more a symbolic rite, while his actual education took place at the seoyeon under the auspices of the Sigang-won. The educational format of the Sigang-won included the daily routine of beopgang (法講: formal lectures held three times a day), in addition to formal court lessons sodae (召對: special lectures) and yadae (夜對: evening lectures), which were not constrained by time or frequency. Among the lectures, yadae were, just like sodae, provided only by special order of the king. During the yadae, the senior/junior tutors of the day and one official of the Seja igwisa (世子翊衛司: Guard Office of Crown Prince, hereafter “Igwisa”) were present in black official uniform (時服, sibok). At the end of the yadae, royal wine was given to the seoyeon officials who had participated in the evening lecture.
The hoegang took place twice a month. In the late Joseon period, it was held on the second and sixteenth days of each month once the seja had reached the age of eleven.16 It took place only at the seoyeon, where the seja had to show what he had learned in front of his teachers and the entire officials of the Sigang-won and the Guard Office. Beyond this intent of academic review, the hoegang was also considered an essential means for cultivating the proper code of conduct for convening and closing the formal lessons, as well as for cultivating the proper ritual of bowing (揖, eup) and humility. Moreover, the hoegang also aimed at developing the seja's respect for his teachers and elders.17
Among the extant documentary paintings today, the Munhyoseja chaegnye gyebyeong (1784) is the earliest work to show the donggung uirye (Plates 1-1 and 1-2). There is no known earlier court ceremonial painting produced by the Sigang-won. The Simindangdocheop (時敏堂圖帖: Painting Album of Simindang) related to Yi Don (李焞, King Sukjong, r. 1674-1720) 's gwallye was produced in 1670, but this album is more an illustrated manual than a documentary painting intended for the realistic reproduction of a court function.18 There are also extant today the Wangseja chaegnyedogam gyebyeong (王世子冊禮都監契屛: Folding Screen Commissioned by the Superintendency of the Crown Prince's Investiture Ceremony) (Plate 2), painted when Gyeongjong was invested with the title of wangseja at the age of three in 1690), and the Wangseja chaegnye gyebyeong (王世子冊禮契屛: Folding Screen in Commemoration of the Crown Prince's Investiture Ceremony) of 1800. The former was, however produced by the Chaegnyedogam and the latter by the Seonjeon gwancheong. Their subjects – landscapes and the Yojiyeon (瑤池宴) or banquet of the Queen Mother of the West – have no relevance to the court ceremonies referred to in their titles.19
( Plate 1-1 ) Chaekbongdo, 1st scene of the Folding Screen of Munhyo Seja's Investiture Ceremony Anonymous, 1784 Eight-fold screen painting, colors on silk H: 110.0 cm, W: 421.0 cm (overall) Seoul National University Museum
( Plate 2 ) Detail of the Folding Screen Commissioned by the Superintendency of the Crown Prince's Investiture Ceremony Anonymous, 1690 Eight-fold screen painting, colors on silk H: 116.0 cm, W: 53.0 cm (each panel) Private collection
The Munhyoseja chaegnye gyebyeong is an eight-fold screen painting of the investiture ceremony of Munhyo Seja, the son of King Jeongjo and Lady Seong (宜嬪 成氏, Uibin Seongssi, ?-1786), held on the second day of the eighth month, 1784.20 Munhyo Seja, born on the 7th day of the ninth month of the sixth year of King Jeongjo (1782), was the first-born son of King Jeongjo21 and was officially designated as the wonja or eldest son on the 27th day of the eleventh month of that year.22 Invested as the wangseja when he was three years old, Munhyo Seja died just one week after contracting measles in the fifth month of 1785.23
The first panel of the Munhyoseja chaegnye gyebyeong contains the preface. The second through fourth panels contain the scene of the Crown Prince's investiture ceremony held at Injeongjeon (仁政殿: the Royal Audience Chamber) of Changdeokgung (昌德宮: palace built in 1405). The fifth, sixth, and seventh panels contain the scene of the investiture. The last panel lists the government officials related to the ceremony leaving no doubt that the folding screen painting was commissioned by the Sigang-won.24 The twenty-five officials included seven with the rank of bodeok, three of pilseon, five of munhak, four of saseo, and six of seolseo. The list contains more names than the actual number of officials at the Sigang-won as it also includes the names of former officials in addition to the ten officials then in post.
It should be noted that the work of Munhyoseja chaegnye gyebyeong is an example of a folding screen commissioned by mid-level officials including bodeok, who were the ones actually responsible for the daily lectures for the seja. In the light of King Jeongjo's decision, mentioned above, to elevate the status of bodeok and gyeombodeok at the Sigang-won to the fifth-rank dangsanggwan in connection with the investiture of Munhyo Seja, the making of this folding screen was most likely triggered by the newly-elevated status of these officials of the Sigang-won. The fact that all former and current officials related with the ceremony are listed also strongly supports this theory concerning the circumstances behind the project.
The regulations for the entire process of the investiture of the wangseja involved a total of nine ceremonies.25 Among these, the most significant was the second ceremony, seonchaek (宣冊: proclamation of the investiture) that proceeded in two phases: the reading of gyomyeong (敎命: royal decree) to appoint the wangseja at the royal court and the latter's receiving of the gyomyeong at the Donggung (東宮: Palace of the Crown Prince).26 The Munhyoseja chaegnye gyebyeong is a work depicting these two ceremonies (Plate 1-1).
Upon announcement of the gyomyeong, the messenger on behalf of the king escorts the chaeyeo (彩輿: royal carriage used to carry valuable royal items) containing the gyomyeong, the jukchaek (竹冊: investiture book), and the ogin (玉印: royal jade seal) and delivers them to the wangseja who is waiting at the Junghuidang (重熙堂) in Changdeokgung. The second panel depicts the wangseja receiving the gyomyeong, the jukchaek, and the ogin in Junghuidang (Plate 1-2). Junghuidang was constructed as part of the Donggung in the 1782, the year that Munhyo was born. Inside the Junghuidang, there is a place prepared for the wangseja to receive the gyomyeong, the jukchaek, and the ogin as seen in the painting. Positioned around it are various officials from the Tongnyewon (通禮院: Office of Ritual Affairs), the Sigang-won, and the Igwisa (翊衛司: Guard Office of Crown Prince) to ensure that the ceremony involving the three-year old seja proceeded smoothly.
Thus, the Munhyoseja chaegnye gyebyeong is a faithful rendition of the most important ceremonial moments in the investiture ceremony. Again, the significant aspects of the folding screen painting are that it was supervised by the officials of the Sigang-won and that it reflects King Jeongjo's policy to elevate the status of that office. This screen greatly influenced subsequent works of the same genre by providing the basic model in style and composition as reflected in the two later versions of the Wangseja duhupyeongbokjinha gyebyeong (王世子痘候平復陳賀契屛: Folding Screen in Commemoration of the Crown Prince's Recovery from Smallpox) (Plate 3) from the nineteenth century.27 To celebrate Sunjong's recovery from smallpox in 1879, military officials at the Owidochongbu (五衛都摠府: Five Military Commands Headquarters) and its Wijangso (衛將所: Office of Palace Gatekeepers) commissioned these folding screens, which were not depictions of the ceremony itself, but borrowed images from the folding screen made during the reign of King Jeongjo.
The Wangseja iphakdocheop is a gyecheop (契帖: commemorative painting album for the participants of a ceremony) produced by the officials of the Sigang-won to commemorate the iphagnye held in 1816 to mark Crown Prince Hyomyeong's entrance to the Seonggyun-gwan. This album contains the uiju (儀註: ritual protocol) which is composed of six sequential phases: chulgung-ui (出宮儀: the rite of departure from the palace); jakheonui (酌獻儀: libation rite at the ancestral altar); iphagui (入學儀: the rite of commencement of learning) including wangbogui (往復儀: the rite of formal request for instruction); supyeui (脩幣儀: the rite of offering gifts); and suhaui (受賀儀: the rite of receiving congratulations).28 The album also contains six pictures illustrating the different phases of the ceremony. In the last part of the album, there is a collection of poems written by each of thirteen officials from the Sigang-won, offering felicitations on the occasion of the iphagnye.29 The last leaf contains an epilogue by Nam Gongcheol (南公轍, 1760-1840), who served during the ceremony as a former daejehak.
Jwa-uijeong (左議政: Second State Councilor) Han Yonggui (韓龍龜, 1747-1828), who also held the title of bu, first proposed the iphagnye for Hyomyeong Seja when he turned eight years old in the sixth, lunar leap month, of 1816.30 However, in accordance with King Sunjo's directive, his iphagnye was postponed to the following year. On New Year's Day in 1817, the jwa-uijeong and u-uijeong Gim Samok (金思穆, 1740-1829) reintroduced the proposal for the seja's iphagnye, and discussions on an auspicious date and ceremony proceedings were held.31 The iphagnye in the end was held on the eleventh day of the third month, from 11 am to 3 pm.32 Before the actual ceremony, a preliminary rehearsal was held on the sixth day of the third month, followed by a final rehearsal on the tenth day, on the eve of the ceremony.
Nam Gongcheol's epilogue indicates that the officials of the Sigang-won, although they had completed their duties as palace officials following the completion of the iphagnye, had decided to leave a pictorial record of this splendid event for posterity in a form of painting album. Along with the epilogue, Nam Gongcheol wrote a verse in the format of o-eon-yulsi (五言律詩: five-syllable quatrain) and instructed each official to compose another in the same format. The idea of replicating the entire iphagnye in six scenes - from the departure procession at the Donggung, to the iphagnye at the Seonggyun-gwan, and the congratulatory ceremony by government officials of all ranks - was conceived in the minds of the officials of the Sigang-won, the planners of this painting album. The illustrated scenes of the ceremony accurately reflect the ritual protocol and complement the text.
The first painting illustrates Hyomyeong Seja's procession (in which the order of each official's position is exactly arranged according to his rank) as it leaves the palace toward the Munmyo (文廟: National Confucian Shrine), the location of the iphagnye (Plate 4-1). The procedure for Hyomyeong Seja's departure and return to the palace followed the protocol used in King Jeongjo's iphagnye in 1761.33 Riding in yeo (輿: royal sedan chair), Hyomyeong Seja departs from his residence in the Donggung, exits Junghwamun (重華門: gate in Deoksugung), passes by Igeukmun (貳極門), and arrives at Honghwamun (弘化門: the main gate of Changgyeonggung [昌慶宮: palace built in 1483]). Upon passing the Honghwamun, the seja changes from yeo to yeon (輦: royal palanquin), and arrives at the east gate of the Munmyo.34
( Plate 4-1 ) Chulgungdo, 1st scene of the Painting Album of the Iphagnye of the Wangseja Anonymous, 1817 Album leaves, colors on paper H: 33.8 cm; W: 45.2 cm (each scene) National Palace Museum of Korea
Igeuk, literally “second highest” refers to the Heir Apparent and Igeukmun lies at the junction of the two Donggung areas, namely Changdeokgung with Junghuidang as its main building and Changgyeonggung where Simindang and the Sigang-won were located. Igeukmun burnt down during the reign of King Yeongjo, and King Jeongjo restored it in the eighth year of his reign (1784) to coincide with Munhyo Seja's chaekbongnye. The King even awarded the supervisor of the Igeukmun restoration project by including him in the list of those honored at Munhyo Seja's chaekbongnye.35 It was obviously one of the measures by King Jeongjo to reinforce the prestige of the wangseja in line with the construction of Junghuidang and the overall renovation of areas surrounding the Donggung.
When compared with the Donggwoldo (東闕圖: Painting of the Eastern Palace) (Plate 5), it becomes clear how realistic in detail this painting, Chulgungdo is. In the painting, the wangseja's yeo has already passed through Junghwamun, which is located in the upper portion of the picture. The guard official ikchan (翊贊: guard of the eleventh rank in the Igwisa) carrying the royal seal (印, in) is about to exit Igeukmun located southwest of Junghwamun. Among the escorts of the wangseja leading the procession are two of the wangseja's bodyguards, seori (書吏: lower-ranking officials responsible for maintaining records) leading the inma (印馬: horse carrying the royal seal) and two gwoldalma (闕闥馬: saddled royal horse), through Igeukmun.36 Following these in the procession are various officials such as byeolgam ((別監: escort for the royal palanquin in royal procession) wearing jogeon (皂巾: black headdress), sabyeok (司辟: guard for seja) carrying an ojang (烏仗: black cane), chungchanwigwan (忠贊衛官: military officials) in sangbok (常服: regular uniform), and officials from the Sigang-won and the Igwisa wearing gibok (器服: military uniform).
( Plate 5 ) Detail of the Painting of the Eastern Palace, scene of Igeukmun Anonymous, 1828-1830 Sixteen album leaves, colors on silk H: 273.0 cm, W: 584.0 cm Korea University Museum
In framing the scene, while adopting the traditional court painting style that places the King or Crown Prince near the top of the picture plane facing south, the painter discarded the simple symmetrical composition typical of paintings of royal processions in order to accentuate the immediacy of the seja's procession having passed through Igeukmun and arriving at Honghwamun located in the eastern section of the palace. Despite being the procession's main subject, the wangseja is depicted on a relatively small scale in the upper portion of the scene. This style was in fact first adopted in the late eighteenth century in Hwaneohaengnyeoldo (還御行列圖: Royal Procession of Returning to the Palace) from Hwaseong neunghaengdobyeong (華城陵幸圖屛: Screen Painting of King Jeongjo's Visit to His Father's Tomb, Hwaseong) (Plate 6). These compositional changes are clearly discernible when compared with earlier processional paintings like Eocheopbong-ando (御帖奉安圖: Procession for Enshrinement of King's Autograph Album) from Gisa gyecheop (耆社契帖: Album Commemorating King Sukjong's Initiation Ceremony to Office of the Elders), completed in 1720 (Plate 7).
( Plate 6 ) Royal Procession of Returning to the Palace, 7th scene of the Screen Painting of King Jeongjo's Visit to His Father's Tomb, Hwaseong Gim Deuksin, Lee Inmun, Choe Deukhyeon, Yi Myeonggyu, Jang Hanjong, Yun Seokgeun, Heo Sik, 1795-1796 Eight-fold screen, colors on silk H: 163.7 cm, W: 53.2 cm Leeum, Samsung Museum of Art
( Plate 7 ) Procession for Enshrinement of King's Autograph Album, 1st scene of Painting Album Commemorating King Sukjong's Initiation Ceremony to Office of the Elders Gim Jinnyeo, Jang Taeheung, Pak Dongbo, Jang Deukman, Heo Suk, 1719-1720 Album leaf, colors on silk H: 43.9 cm, W: 67.6 cm Leeum, Samsung Museum of Art
The second scene depicts the wangseja's ritual offering of a libation in front of the ancestral tablet of Confucius at the Daeseongjeon (大聖殿: Hall of Confucius) in the Munmyo (Plate 4-2).37 After washing his hands, the wangseja walks up the eastern steps of the hall and, facing north, places a libation cup in front of the tablet of Confucius. The route of the wangseja is marked by a yellow line which cuts across the front wing of the shrine in the northeast quadrant of the canvas, and then takes a turn southward toward the designated position where the wangseja washes his hands, after which it connects with the designated position where the wangseja bows (marked by a yellow rectangle), and exits using the eastern stairs of the hall.
Inside the Daeseongjeon, officials holding incense burners, incense cases, and the libation cup are gathered in the center facing each other in front of the ancestral tablet of Confucius which is depicted by a white rectangle. Judging from the fact that the area where the wangseja makes his ceremonial libation is marked by a yellow rectangle, it may be assumed that this scene is a portrayal of the wangseja offering three bows while holding the incense, before lighting it. The white rectangles on the left and right inside the Daeseongjeon denote the memorial tablets of the four sages (四聖神位, saseongsinwi), while the yellow rectangles indicate the wangseja's position when offering the libation and bowing in front of the tablets of the four sages. The four men kneeling before the tablets of the four sages are a team of officials charged with the duty of assisting the wangseja.
On the junso (尊所: offering table) on top of the platform with steps is a vessel filled with wine, and on top of the jonso for the hand-washing bowl are a ro (曇: jar) filled with water and a bi (篚: bamboo basket) for towels. The officials bearing the sanseon (繖扇: insignia) and the baewi (陪衛: escorts) wait outside the eastern gate, while students of the Seonggyun-gwan in their official blue uniforms (靑衿服: cheonggeumbok) stand inside the garden facing north. The three-storied Sinsammun (神三門), the main gate of the Daeseongjeon, is drawn on a large scale, and to its right is a building erected over the monument on which the history of the shrine is inscribed.38 The accuracy of the structures and locations of the buildings depicted in this painting can be confirmed by the Taehakji (太學志: Records of the National Confucian Academy), as well as in other paintings like Ban-gungdo (泮宮圖: Painting of the National Confucian Academy) and Taehak gyecheop (太學契帖: Painting Album of the National Confucian Academy), a work made in 1746.39
The third, fourth, and fifth panels depict the central proceedings of the iphagnye as the wangseja formally seeks the approval of the academic counselor, baksa, to be accepted as his student, in the Myeongnyundang (明倫堂) of the Munmyo (Plate 4-3). Rather than compressing the entire iphagnye proceedings into one painting, the three scenes respectively depict in detail the following: the wangseja's wangbok (往復: formal request for instruction), seeking of approval of lessons from the baksa; supyeui, offering of gifts to the baksa; and iphak, the formal commencement of studies with the recitation and exposition of the classics.40
Upon the completion of the libation before the memorial tablet of Confucius, the seja dons the official dress of a student and moves to the main gate (east of Myeongnyundang). The wangseja's pyeoncha (便次: temporary royal tent) and the palanquin are in place, while the wangseja's location as he awaits the baksa's approval is depicted as a yellow rectangle outside the main gate. The jangmyeongja (將命者: student messenger) goes back and forth between the wangseja, who is requesting to be accepted as a student, and the baksa, who is humbly declining the request claiming lack of virtue and knowledge. In the end, upon the wangseja's third request, the baksa approves.
Judging from the positions of the baksa, who, dressed in an official red robe, stands facing west at the foot of the eastern steps, and of the official, who bears the gift, this painting captures the moment when the wangseja, upon learning of the baksa's approval, is about to enter through the East Main Gate. The route of the wangseja's movement from this point to Myeongnyundang, past the gate, and through the western staircase, is also marked here by a yellow line.
This scene depicts the ceremony of offering gifts to the baksa. The wangseja offers the baksa a porcelain jug filled with 36 liters of wine, a vessel with five strips of dried beef, and three rolls of white ramie cloth (Plate 4-4). In front of the baksa at the stepped platform stand three officials in official red garb, each holding respectively a porcelain jug, a small dinner table, and a basket. The location where the wangseja is supposed to be is marked by a yellow rectangle, from which he will proceed to take his seat at the desk inside the Myeongnyundang and commence his lessons.
This scene depicts the wangseja receiving lessons from the baksa inside the Myeongnyundang (Plate 4-5). Having changed into a dark robe, the baksa sits facing the wangseja across a desk upon which is placed the textbook, Sohak.41 As in previous scenes, the figure of the wangseja is not actually portrayed. Instead, his presence is implied, once again, by a yellow rectangle. Since Sohyeon Seja's iphagnye in the third year of King Injo (1625), it became customary, despite the royal status of the wangseja, not to place the desk in front of him, in accordance with the regulations governing the relationship between a teacher and a student.42 The iphagnye concluded with the baksa reading the epigraph from the Sohak, the wangseja repeating after the baksa, and the baksa explaining the text.
On the 12th day of the third month, the day after the iphagnye, King Sunjo received a jinharye (陳賀禮: rite of congratulations) at Injeongjeon from all his palace officials.43 On the same day, a separate jinharye was held in an abbreviated form to honor the wangseja. This relatively simple ceremony was attended by bodeok Seo Jeongbo (徐鼎輔, 1762-?) and eight officials of the Sigang-won.44 However, the painting album contains both a written record and a painting of the wangseja receiving a full formal congratulatory ceremony from all the palace officials (Plate 4-6). Therefore, this sixth and final scene stands contrary to the actual proceedings.
The venue for the abbreviated ceremony was the Seongjeonggak (誠正閣), near the Junghuidang. The Seongjeonggak was the traditional venue for the wangseja's formal court lessons before the Gwanmulheon (觀物軒) came to replace it in 1813.45
The Wangseja iphakdocheop is a distinctive work of art that chronicles the proceedings of court ceremony and faithfully conveys the proceedings through a visual medium. The work is a good example of a court documentary painting in which annotations and pictures complement each other, but this division of the whole ceremony into stages and depicting each in turn is a style adopted more widely in the saga girokhwa (士家記錄畵: documentary painting of the gentry) of the late seventeenth and early eighteenth century.46 Considering that most nineteenth-century court documentary paintings are folding screen paintings of formal palace banquets such as jinchan (進宴: formal royal banquets of medium scale), jinnyeon (進宴: formal royal banquets of large scale), and jinharye, the Wangseja iphakdocheop stands out as being quite unprecedented in both form and content.
The depiction of the buildings in the background reflects well the features of the actual buildings, and the shape and distribution of the instruments used in the ceremony are also quite easily discernible. The physical features of the figures in the paintings are very similar to those of the figures in Wonhaeng eulmyo jeongniuigwe (園幸乙卯整理儀軌: Book of Court Rites on the Royal Visit to Prince Sado's Tomb). Traces of Gim Hongdo's distinct style can be seen in the round shape of the faces, the depictions of ears, eyes, mouths, and noses, and the clearly defined profiles of the figures. The natural depiction of the bowing figures is a style that emerges only in the second half of the eighteenth century.
In addition to the copy of the Wangseja iphakdocheop used for this study, which is presently housed in the National Palace Museum of Korea, other similar copies of the album are kept in the National Library of Korea, Yonsei University Museum, Korea University Museum, and Kyungnam University Museum. Each of the thirteen officials of the Sigang-won who had written verses on the painting album would have received a copy for himself. Taking into account the copy to be kept at the Sigang-won and the copy for the palace quarters, it is likely that a total of at least fifteen copies were produced. The copies extant today vary from one another in detail and in the draft compositions. However, in the technique of mounting the pictures into an album, the style of depiction of the figures, buildings, flowers, and trees, and in the color selections, they all share a certain level of commonality and an artistic style of a particular period. At the same time, the copy presently kept in the National Palace Museum of Korea is the best version in terms of the precise representation of the ritual protocol, clear composition, and meticulous attention to detail. It was most likely produced either to be kept at the Sigang-won or displayed inside the palace quarters.47
The Hoegang banchadocheop is a painting album housed at the Gyujanggak and consists of five pictures without any annotation. The word hoegang in the title offers the primary clue in ascertaining the subject matter of this painting album. Indeed, as the album fits with the ritual protocol of hoegang, its theme and content can therefore be argued to be the twice-monthly review sessions in the education of the wangseja. The word banchado (班次圖: painting of royal procession) in the title also indicates that the primary purpose of this album is to portray and to record the proceedings of the ritual protocol in the proper order rather than to convey artistic qualities. In the paintings themselves one can assess the purpose and the intended use of this painting album.
The first scene depicts the seupgang (Plate 8-1) or meeting preceding hoegang, in which the seoyeon official of the day and officials of the Seonggyun-gwan confirm ahead of time the contents of the lecture for the wangseja. It generally took place about half an hour before the start of hoegang outside the entrance of the seoyeon. The scene depicts the seoyeon official reading before the sa and bu teachers the contents of the lesson for the wangseja inside a tent pitched outside the main entrance. Other figures depicted are officials of the Sigang-won and the Guard Office.
( Plate 8-1 ) 1st scene of the Painting Album of the Review Session Anonymous, the 19th century Album, colors on paper H: 41.0 cm, W: 66.4 cm Gyujanggak
From the second scene onwards the entire proceedings of hoegang are depicted in sequence (Plate 8-2).48 The empty chair located in the eastern section of the hall signifies the Crown Prince's seat. The third scene depicts the latter waiting to greet his teachers (Plate 8-3). The protocol called for the wangseja to wait below the steps and escort the sa and bu teachers inside and offer first exchange of ritual bows.49 The two teachers are depicted facing the yellow rectangle denoting the wangseja's seat below the western steps. The path along which the Crown Prince should go in and out of the hall is depicted by a yellow line in the style of the Wangseja iphakdocheop.
The fourth scene features the wangseja inside the hall bowing once again to his teachers and four bin-gaek (賓客: officials invited to teach), and receiving reciprocal bows (Plate 8-4). Officials of the Sigang-won below the rank of bodeok remain standing in a row outside in the garden. Once the seja, his sa and bu teachers, and the four bin-gaek are seated around the desk, officials of the Sigang-won enter the hall and seat themselves according to rank by the eastern wall while officials of the Guard Office stand to the east and west of the stone steps outside. The wangseja would typically first recite and translate into Korean the lessons from the previous day, after which his teachers would start the lesson. The fifth leaf depicts this scene (Plate 8-5). In terms of the order of the lesson, the teacher would read from the text selected for the day and the wangseja would repeat it after him. Afterwards, the teacher would explain the text and the wangseja would follow with his own interpretation. The lesson would conclude with the wangseja reading and interpreting the text once more.50
The Hoegang banchadocheop is similar to the Wangseja iphakdocheop in its visual depiction of the proceedings of the ceremony and repeated use of the same backdrop. The style of the figures, in particular their profiles, the method of depicting the building steps, eaves, and the hanging tablets, the shape and folds of the tent, the yellow and pinkish clouds, and the overall color of the painting are all very similar to the Wangseja iphakdocheop.51 Therefore, the two albums are close in date. However, in terms of accurately representing the ritual protocol and realistically recreating the ceremony, it falls short of the latter.
In short, this album does not seem to have been created to commemorate a particular hoegang of a particular wangseja. Rather, it seems to have been created to familiarize the Crown Prince with the proceedings of hoegang through visual representation. In effect, this painting album was intended to be a sort of practical chart rather than a commemorative painting.
The Sugyodocheop is a painting album consisting of thirteen pictures without any annotation. The front cover is made of light green silk with peony scrolls, and in the upper-left corner the title Sugyodo (受敎圖: Picture of Receiving the Royal Edict) is neatly written in regular script style. The pictures in the album exhibit a high degree of artistic quality with their neat and clear compositions as well as vivid and elaborate drawing and colors. However, the absence of any inscriptions (other than the one on the cover) has long been an impediment to ascertaining this album's subject matter and intended purpose.
To state the conclusion first, this painting album depicts the gwallye of the Crown Prince. Assuming that the title on the cover was relevant, the author looked up state ceremonies in the Gukjo oryeui that involved a male individual at the center and that required the king's edict. Upon review, the subject matter of the album could be narrowed down to the chaegnye or the gwallye, of which the latter clearly is better matched with the details of the album. The section, Wangsejagwanui (王世子冠儀: Crown Prince's Gwallye Protocol) under the chapter Garye in the Gukjo oryeui, stipulates the five rites in the entire gwallye for the seja.52 They consisted of visiting the ancestral shrine of the royal family, presentation of the king's edict to the bin (賓: representative of the guests) and chan (贊: representative of the state officials) at the royal audience chamber, putting on the seja's ceremonial headdress in the Donggung, hoebin-gaegnye (會賓客禮: rite of receiving bin-gaek), and joallye (朝謁禮: paying respects to the king).
Another painting album that is strongly evocative of the Sugyodocheop is the Simindangdocheop. This album depicts the gwallye of Yi Don at age ten (Plates 9-1 and 9-2). The fifteen annotated pictures of the painting album resemble a pictorial reference book with schematic illustrations of ritual protocol presented in sequence. Excluding decorative and artistic depictions, the album focuses on visually conveying ritual protocol through simple sketches of only the contours of the buildings while the position and directions of the figures as well as the arrangement of furniture and instruments are explained in words. The fact that this painting album contains a list of the names of thirty five participants, including the central figure, the wangseja, and officials from the Sigang-won and the Guard Office, indicates that if was from the beginning intended as a gyecheop.
( Plate 9-1 ) 2nd scene of the Painting Album of Simindang Anonymous, 1670 Album, ink on paper H: 38.8 cm, W: 30.3 cm Jangseogak
The view that this painting album was made as a gyecheop after the completion of a particular ceremony is further supported by the following attributes: the locations and routes of the officials of the Sigang-won and the Guard Office are clearly defined; the names on the list of the seating arrangement are composed of the names of the officials of these institutions; and, finally, the name of the regular venue for congratulatory ceremonies, Seonjeongjeon (宣政殿: less-formal royal council hall in Changdeokgung), is listed as the title of the last scene. More importantly, this album is perhaps the only extant example of an illustrated manual containing no pictorial depictions of the participants, who are just referred to in words alone. This is the most distinct feature of this album and one that raises questions about its background and even whether it is in fact a completed piece of work.53
A banchado chronicling in words only the seating arrangement by rank like the Simindangdocheop was first made by Jeong Gyeongse (鄭經世, 1563-1633) in the third year of King Injo (1625) on the occasion of the gwallye of Crown Prince Sohyeon. According to custom the ritual protocol of the Gukjo oryeui was presented before the wangseja in advance of his gwallye. Jeong included this presentation for the young prince who may have had questions due to the complex language and details of the protocol. Jeong divided the ceremonial proceedings into seventeen stages, created a pictorial diagram for each stage and presented them to the wangseja for a successful ceremony held in accordance with protocol.54 This is an example of a gwallye in annotated pictorial form that served a very useful role as a visual aid. What is of particular note in this instance is that Jeong Gyeongse omitted the two stages at which the prince would not be in attendance, namely the myeongbinchan (命賓贊: the rite of ordering the bin and chan to perform the gwallye) and the hoebinchan (會賓贊: the rite of holding a celebratory banquet). In the end, Jeong's fifteen-part manual perfectly fits with the composition of the Simindangdocheop, excluding the scenes depicting the Simindang building itself.
After 1625, the standard number of scenes for paintings of the gwallye came to be fifteen. A copy of the painting was probably kept at all times in the Sigang-won and the Guard Office and served as an important reference both when rehearsing the ceremony and during the actual ceremony itself. This kind of banchado is also found in the painting of the gwallye of Prince Sunjo in the Gwallyechaekjeodogam-uigwe (冠禮冊儲都監儀軌: Book of Court Rites on the Investiture and the Coming-of-Age Ceremony of the Crown Prince) in 1800. In this painting, the ritual protocols of the gwallye are compressed into a single scene (Plate 10),55 confirming the assumption that the Simindangdocheop is not a new creation but is based on a pre-existing baebando (排班圖: diagrammatic representation).
(Plate 10) Gwallyedo from Book of Court Rites on the Investiture and the Coming-of-Age Ceremony of the Crown Prince Anonymous, 1800 Manuscript, ink on paper Gyujanggak
In this painting album, the scene of reporting to the ancestral shrine of the royal family is omitted. The first scene depicted is that of the king issuing an edict to perform the wangseja's gwallye to the bin and chan officials in his royal audience chamber (Plate 11-1). The highlight of this ceremony is the moment when the jeon-gyogwan (傳敎官: court herald) announces the king's edict, “Let the officials proceed with the ceremony for the conferral of the gwan (冠: ceremonial headdress) on the seja,” and when the bin receives the box containing the edict.
( Plate 11-1 ) 1st scene of the Painting Album of the King's Edict Anonymous, the 19th century Album leaf, colors on paper H: 42.3 cm, W: 57.7 cm (each scene) National Palace Museum of Korea
The royal throne and canopy are placed above the royal platform in the center of the king's audience chamber. Surrounding the throne are guards displaying the ritual sword (寳劍, bogeom) and blue fan (靑扇, cheongseon). Beneath the platform the seungji (承旨: royal secretary) and scribes prostrate themselves. There is also a box for the edict signifying the nature of this particular ceremony. The style of depicting the royal platform, canopy, throne, the bowing officials, and the placement of the ceremonial instruments throughout the hall is very similar to the style of the Munhyoseja chaegnye gyebyeong (1784) and the Ikjong gwallyejinha gyebyeong (翼宗冠禮陳賀契屛: Folding Screen of the Congratulatory Ceremony for the gwallye of Ikjong, 1819) (Plates 1-1 and 12).
The royal family and the civil/military officials are placed respectively on the eastern and western sides of the hall. The bin and chan, the jeongyogwan and jipsagwan (執事官: supporting staff) officials are featured among the rows of civil officials east of the pathway. The civil officials wear ceremonial court dress, while the military officials wear their regular official dress.
From the second scene on, the subject matter portrayed is the gwanui (冠儀) itself, and the venue changes to the Donggung (Plate 11-2). This scene depicts the wangseja receiving ritual bows (拜禮, baerye) each from the officials of the Sigang-won, the Igwisa, and their supporting staff. It is comparable to the second scene of the Simindangdocheop (Plate 9-1). The seat of the wangseja is marked by a rectangle close to the eastern wall facing west. The figure clad in gold headdress and ceremonial court dress in front of the seat is thought to be the pilseon of the Sigang-won, who is charged with the duty of announcing the next stage in the proceedings. He and the jang-wi (仗衛: chief guard), who protects and assists the wangseja at close hand, accompany the wangseja throughout the procession.
This scene depicts the royal family and civil/military officials of the fourth rank and above entering Donggung and bowing to the wangseja (Plate 11-3). The wangseja then offers reciprocal bows. The figures standing on top of the platform wearing ceremonial court dress are the inui (引儀: ceremony announcer) and chanui (贊儀: ceremony manager). In the courtyard in front of Donggung are officials of the Sigang-won and the Igwisa standing in rows facing each other. They will stay in these positions throughout the ceremony.
This scene depicts the wangseja, now seated in a chair, exchanging reciprocal bows (再拜, jaebae) with civil/military officials of the fifth rank and lower (Plate 11-4). The figures are depicted standing in the garden in two columns, south of the officials of the Sigang-won and the Igwisa. Unlike the higher-level officials, they offer their ritual bows while in the courtyard without entering the chamber.
This scene depicts the wangseja receiving his sa and bu as well as bin below the steps of his chamber and offering them baerye (Plate 11-5). The location where the wangseja makes his bows is located in the eastern portion of the courtyard and faces west. The jang-wi and pilseon who had flanked the wangseja indoors escort him into the courtyard. The figures standing west of the pathway with their backs bent forward are the sa, bu, and bin.
Once the sa, bu, and bin stand behind the wangseja, the juin (主人: host of the ceremony) exits to a location west of the garden. When the wangseja offers his ritual bows, the juin reciprocates (Plate 11-6).
This scene depicts the wangseja in the act of receiving the gyoseo (敎書: royal edict) (Plate 11-7). The location where the wangseja receives the document is marked by a rectangle facing north along the pathway in the middle of the courtyard. The box containing the edict, having been transported through the southern gate, is placed on top of the steps. Once the representative of the guests declares, “The edict has arrived,” the wangseja kneels down and remains kneeling as the bin reads out the gyoseo.
Having received the gyoseo, the wangseja proceeds to ascend the stairs, enters into the eastern hyeopsil (夾室: side room), and waits to be crowned while wearing the ceremonial attire and headdress (Plate 11-8). In the room there is a chest that contains samgaboksik (三可服式: three sets of formal costumes and headresses), namely the gollyongpo (袞龍袍: royal robe for everyday wear), the gangsapo (絳紗袍: costume for special occasions such as the king's birthday and New Year's Day), and the myeonbok (冕服: costume for sacrificial rituals) prepared by the Sang-uiwon (尚衣院: Bureau of Royal Attire). The place where the Crown Prince is to change his attire is marked by a rectangle. In the center of the building is the place where the gwan ceremonial headdress will be placed on the wangseja. To its north stands the sa facing south. On the western side of the stepped platform inside a rectangle stands the bin, who will place the gwan on the head of the wangseja as the master of the ceremony. At the end of the eastern steps the gwansetak (盥洗卓: table with bowl for washing hands), where the bin and chan will wash their hands after combing and covering the wangseja's hair, can be seen.
This scene depicts the wangseja putting on different garments and headdresses. First, he is wearing his customary robe, gollyongpo and a chogagwan (初加冠: the first ceremonial headdress), next a special robe, gangsapo and a jaegagwan (再加冠: the second ceremonial headdress), followed by the robe for sacrificial rituals or myeonbok and a samgagwan (三加冠: the third ceremonial headdress) (Plate 11-9). This scene is evocative of the Samgado (三加圖: The Three Costumes and Headdresses), the tenth scene of the Simindangdocheop (Plate 9-2). Once the juin guides the wangseja to the ceremonial chair, the bin steps toward the wangseja with the hair cover and comb box in hand, whereupon he proceeds to comb and cover the wangseja's hair. Then the official carrying the chogagwan walks up the western stairs. The bin takes the chogagwan from him and places it on top of the head of the wangseja. Next, the juin guides the seja back to the side room, where the wangseja changes into gollyongpo. He steps back out and sits facing west. The jaegagwan is placed on his head. The wangseja once again retreats to the side room, changes into gangsapo, and then comes back out for the samgagwan. One last time, the wangseja goes back into the side room and changes into myeonbok, then steps out again into the hall.
This scene depicts the wangseja, upon the completion of samga, receiving gamju in the ceremonial seat prepared in the western quarters (Plate 11-10). At the western top of the stairs are depicted a wine jar and an official from Saong-won (伺饔院: Bureau for Overseeing Ceramic Production) overseeing it. To his east is a long table with various dishes on it.
This scene depicts the bin (an official who teaches the seja the Confucian classics and morals) conferring, on behalf of the king, a ja (字: name given at gwallye) on the wangseja (Plate 11-11). The seja stands below the western steps facing south, while the bin and chan officials stand before him. The bin takes a step forward and announces the name from the king's statement. Facing west, the juin stands in the eastern courtyard, while the sa and bu and the bin-gaek who are all standing behind him observe the proceedings.
This scene depicts the wangseja paying his respects to the king on the day following the gwallye (Plate 11-12). The left half of the picture depicts the joallye, and the right half the wangseja's pyeoncha and the head of the guards. It has the same composition as that in the scene depicting the iphagnye in the Wangseja iphakdocheop (Plates 4-3, 4-4, and 4-5). Inside the palace the throne and the bowing officials can be seen. To the east of the pathway are depicted the north-facing location where the wangseja will deliver his ritual bows, as well as the officials of the Sigang-won lying prostrate, clad in gold gwan and ceremonial dress, and the officials of the Igwisa in official dress. The scene shares much similarity with the Wangseja iphakdocheop in the style of depicting the tent, the folds on the awning, the folded screens, the wangseja's carriage, and the nobu (鹵簿, adornments accompanying the procession).
This leaf depicts the hoebin-gaek (會賓客: reception of bin-gaek) scene (Plates 7 and 11-1). The building of the venue is unidentified, but it is apparent that it lies next to the gate of the building where the main ceremony had taken place. Inside a round tent made of white curtains and awning are placed a peony-patterned screen and a table with food and wine on top. To the east of the table stands the juin, and to its west stand the bin-gaek, facing each other. They conduct the hoerye (會禮: salutation ceremony) by performing the exchange of ritual bows and drinking the wine. At the end of the hoerye, the juin offers the bin-gaek a chest filled with rolls of silk (束帛, sokbaek).56 The performance of such proceedings is apparent from the depiction of servants (從者, jongja) carrying the chest.
The style of depiction of the figures in the Sugyodocheop, such as the figures' physical proportions, facial features, and garments folds have an intimate connection to the early nineteenth century documentary paintings such as the Wangseja of 1817, the Ikjong gwallyehujinha gyebyeong of 1819, and the Jodaebi sasunchinggyeongjinha gyebyeong of 1847 (趙大妃四旬稱慶陣賀契屛: Folding Screen of the Congratulatory Ceremony on the Fortieth Birthday of Queen Mother Jo, National Treasure No. 732) (Plates 4-1, 4-6, 12, and 13). When it comes to the sketching of the figures, the characteristics of a particular method and style become more apparent when the figures are presented in profile rather than in frontal or rear view, and also when they are sedentary or prostrated rather than standing. In case of the figures in the Sugyodocheop, for instance, the rear view of the sedentary figures wearing ceremonial court dress or official uniform, and the profiles of the prostrate figures and the folds of their garments are strikingly similar to those in the Ikjong gwallyehujinhagyebyeong. In particular, the style of the royal dais (御榻, eotap), on which are placed the throne, obongbyeong (五峰屛: Screen of Five Peaks), an abbreviation of irwol obongbyeong (曰月五峰屛: screen behind the royal throne, depicting the sun, the moon, and five mountain peaks), and royal guards, as well as the placement of various figures and ceremonial instruments throughout the palace hall in the first scene of Sugyodocheop are nearly identical to those in the Ikjong gwallyehujinhagyebyeong. The high degree of similarity in these two paintings becomes more apparent when compared with the royal dais that is presented in a frontal bird's eye view in the Jodaebi sasunchinggyeongjinha gyebyeong. In the end, the style of the Sugyodocheop suggests that it is of the early nineteenth century. The date of Sugyodocheop can be narrowed down to the early nineteenth century because, when compared to the Munhyoseja chaegnye gyebyeong of the late eighteenth century or the Wangseja duhupyeongbokjinha gyebyeong of the late nineteenth century, the differences in the style of the figures and instruments become very clear.
( Plate 12 ) Detail of the Folding Screen of the Congratulatory Ceremony on Gwallye of Ikjong Anonymous, 1819 Eight-fold screen, colors on paper H: 127.0 cm, W: 35.5 cm (each panel) Location unknown
( Plate 13 ) Detail of the Folding Screen of the Congratulatory Ceremony on the Fortieth Birthday of Queen Mother Jo Anonymous, 1847 Eight-fold screen, colors on silk H: 140.0 cm, W: 56.0 cm (each panel) Dong-a University Museum
Since a list of names of the officials in attendance is attached, the Sugyodocheop, which comes with no supplementary record of its intended purpose, is assumed not to have been intended as a gyecheop. In that case, two possible intended objectives may be considered: the Sigang-won, charged with the mission of nurturing and enlightening the wangseja, may have produced the painting at some point as a reference to the ceremony, to be kept or displayed in the Sigang-won; or the Sigang-won may have created it sometime prior to the gwallye and offered it to the wangseja to help him understand the complex procedures of the ceremony. The fact that the title Sugyodo itself reflects the wangseja's perspective offers a light on determining the purpose of this painting album. Like the Hoegang banchadocheop, the intended purpose behind the creation of the Sugyodocheop seems the second of the two, that is, educational. It has already been seen in the Simindangdocheop that the conventional practice of the Sigang-won officials copying and submitting the ritual protocol on the eve of the gwallye had been replaced in the early seventeenth century by a fifteen-leaf album in the diagrammatic baebando style. The Sugyodocheop shows how this kind of baebando-style painting of the gwallye evolved into a more artistic rendering of court ceremony by the nineteenth century. With that in mind, a cautious inquiry into the background of the Sugyodocheop, namely, which wangseja's gwallye the painting depicts, follows.
If the compositional style of the Sugyodocheop is of the first half of the nineteenth century, the possible candidates are Sunjo, Ikjong, Heonjong, and Cheoljong. First, Sunjo's gwallye, which was a combined ceremony in also incorporating the chaegnye, is far removed from what is represented in Sugyodocheop. Heonjong's gwallye was conducted during the period of national mourning in the wake of the death of King Sunjo in the 34th year of his reign (1834). As wangseson, the eldest son of the wangseja, Heonjong was unexpectedly required to undergo the gwallye in order to be eligible to succeed to the throne. Cheoljong, too, underwent his gwallye in haste in the sixth month of the fifteenth year of King Heonjong (1849) immediately after being designated Deogwan-gun (德完君). Such circumstances do not conform with the proceedings represented in the Sugyodocheop; nor were they conducive to the elaborate ceremony represented therein.
Therefore, the most likely person who is represented as the central character in the Sugyodocheop is Ikjong, the seja of King Sunjo.57 In regard to Ikjong's gwallye in 1819, there are two extant gungjung girokhwa: the Wangseja iphakdocheop, which captures the entire proceedings of the ceremony, and the Ikjong gwallyejinha gyebyeong, which depicts King Sunjo receiving the congratulatory rite from all his civil and military officials. As seen above, the close similarity in the painting styles of the Wangseja iphakdocheop, the Sugyodocheop, and the Ikjong gwallyejinha gyebyeong all strongly support this possibility.
A survey of extant wangseja gungjung girokhwa shows that the late eighteenth century is a landmark by which certain salient characteristics preceding and following this time can clearly be identified. Today, there are only four extant examples pre-dating the late eighteenth century, which indicates the relative lack of interest in chronicling the ceremonies of seja before that time. This kind of lack of interest is also reflected in the scarcity of paintings prior to this date that relate to the wangdaebi (王大妃: the Queen Dowager, widow of the previous king), and the daewangdaebi (大王大妃: the Queen Mother, mother of the previous king).58
Until the seventeenth century, paintings pertaining to the wangseja are more in the style of the Donggwan gyehoedo (同官契會圖: painting to commemorate a gathering of scholar-officials of the same office) such as the Jungmyojo seoyeon-gwan sayeondo (中廟朝書筵官賜宴圖: Painting of the Banquet Bestowed by Jungjong for the Teachers of His Seja Injong) and the Simindang yadaejido (時敏堂夜對之圖: Painting of Evening Banquet at Simindang). The former is a painting of a banquet that King Jungjong (中宗, r. 1506-1544) held in 1535 (30th year of his reign) for the seoyeon-gwan (書筵官: officials in charge of the seja's education) of the seja Injong (Plate 14).59 King Jungjong showed great interest in the education of his seja. Each year, on the 3rd day of the third month and the 9th day of the ninth month, Jungjong held gyeong-yeon-gwanyeon (經筵官宴: banquet for officials in charge of the king's education), and sayeon (賜宴: banquet bestowed by the king) and food was granted to the seoyeon-gwan each time the seja had completed the lessons in a book.60 Apparently, the main purpose of the banquet was to honor the seoyeon-gwan, but the fact that gyeong-yeon-gwan (經筵官: officials in charge of the king's education) and officials at Chunchugwan (春秋館: Office for Annals Compilation) were included in the jwamok (座目: list of participants) of thirty-nine guests highlights the fact that the Jungmyojo seoyeon-gwan sayeondo was a type of gyechuk (契軸: commemorative hanging scroll for the participants of a ceremony) commemorating King Jungjong's benevolence in hosting the sayeon.61
( Plate 14 ) Painting of the Banquet Bestowed by Jungjong for the Teachers of His Seja Injong Anonymous, 1535 Album, colors on paper H: 42.6 cm, W: 52.3 cm Hongik University Museum
Simindang yadaejido too is a commemorative painting. The painting is in the typical style of a gyechuk including the title written in seal characters (篆書, jeonseo), the illustration of the scene, and the jwamok (Plate 15). Created five years after the event, this painting depicts the evening lecture held on the 27th day of the tenth month of the tenth year of King Hyojong (1657), when Hyeonjong was the wangseja.62 The tutors of the day were Song Siyeol (宋時烈, 1607-1689) and Song Jun-gil (宋浚吉, 1606-1672), both of the chanseon (fifth) rank, Yu Gye (兪棨, 1607-1684), seventh rank pilseon, and Jo Gwiseok (趙龜錫, 1615-1665), eleventh rank saseo. Song Siyeol, Song Jun-gil, and Yu Gye were all students of Gim Jangsaeng (金長生, 1548-1631), appointed to their respective official posts while they were independent scholars out of office. All of them had previously served as sallim scholars within the Sigang-won.
(Plate 15) Painting of Evening Banquet at Simindang Anonymous, copied version Hanging scroll, colors on paper H: 158.0 cm, W: 66.5 cm National Museum of Korea
At this evening lecture, King Hyeonjong is said to have demonstrated exceptional knowledge and many informed opinions as he enjoyed himself drinking wine with the four officials in a pleasant mood after the lecture. Five years later, the four officials once again gathered in Seoul. Recollecting that evening, they agreed to commemorate the lecture by documenting it in both painting and words.63
In the painting, the four officials are seated next to each other around a book table and a candlestick in the east chamber (東闇, donghap) of the Simindang. This scene is less a realistic representation of the evening lecture itself than an accentuated portrayal of the physical presence of the Simindang and other office buildings nearby like the Sigang-won and the Igwisa. This style reflects the trend in the late sixteenth to the early seventeenth centuries of paintings of gatherings of scholar-officials, which emphasized a wide view of the main building of the gathering place.64 In effect, the direct cause behind the creation of the Simindang yadaejido was to capture the strong comradeship of the seoyeon-gwan, rather than to commemorate the evening gathering per se. These four men shared the common experience of working together as sallim scholars as well as the same scholarly interests and ideology.
In the same vein, the introduction to the Wangseja chaegnyedogam gyebyeong of 1690 states the intention to commemorate the camaraderie felt by the listed participants as officials of the same rank sharing the same role. In sum, until the late eighteenth century, paintings concerning the wangseja tended not to focus on the wangseja himself. Neither were such paintings bona fide documentary paintings. At the same time, it is a fact that the convention of creating gyechuk or gyebyeong in the aftermath of the completion of a ceremony or function related to the wangseja had, by the late eighteenth century, become an important custom.
All post-eighteenth century girokhwa relevant to the wangseja were created during the reigns of Jeongjo, Sunjo, and Gojong. All of these respective reign periods were a time of strengthening the authority of the king. This is reflected in the Munhyoseja chaegnye gyebyeong, which depicts in realistic detail the court ceremony of the eighteenth century. Moreover, it is also significant that the painting is the work of, among the many palace offices that played both direct and indirect roles in the ceremony, the Sigang-won alone. (Plates 1-1 and 1-2). Officials of the Sigang-won below the rank of bodeok, the chief administrator, behaved as friends rather than as subjects when coming into interaction with the seja, thereby cultivating with the seja mutual sincerity and empathy. Moreover, since the title of seoyeon-gwan was perceived as cheong-yojik (淸要職, honorable and important posts) that were relatively more advantageous for promotion to higher positions during the Joseon dynasty, the seoyeon-gwan's political influence was not to be overlooked. As mentioned earlier, King Jeongjo made great efforts in various ways to reinforce the prestige of the Sigang-won and to strengthen the status of the Crown Prince: the overhaul of royal ceremonies related to seja, the publication of the Sigang-wonji, the construction of Junghuidang, the renovation of Igeukmun, and the installation of the office of dangsanggwan within the Sigang-won. The creation by the Sigang-won of a commemorative screen (Munhyoseja chaegnye gyebyeong) during King Jeongjo's reign is a case in point. In the same vein, the Wangseja iphakdocheop signified the Sigang-won's strong policy to reinforce the king's authority.
The fact that, of all extant gungjung girokhwa pertaining to the wangseja, four in number or thirty percent, account for the iphagnye or the gwallye of Hyomyeong Seja reflects well the political will to enhance the status of the seja and to reinforce the kingship during the reign of Sunjo in the early nineteenth century (Table 3).65 These four documentary paintings are as follows: the Wangseja tan-gang gyebyeong (王世子誕降契屛: Folding Screen in Commemoration of the Hyomyeong Seja's Birth) of 1812, created by the officials of the Sansilcheong, who were in office at the time of Hyomyeong Seja's birth in 1809; the Wangseja iphakdocheop of 1817; the Sugyodocheop; and the Ikjong gwallyejinha gyebyeong (Plate12). During the reign of King Sunjo in the first half of the nineteenth century, extraordinary efforts were made to strengthen the kingship and revive the monarchy, as well as display its stability and authority. These efforts were manifested in various ways: the performance of jeollye (典禮) or state ceremonies such as jinchan and gasangjonho (加上尊號: praise of the virtues of the king or queen); the publication of Uigwe (儀軌: Book of Court Rites); the staging of processions of officials and the conduct of military training.66 Hyomyeong Seja himself also played an essential role in the production of gungjung girokhwa. He introduced the practice of producing jinchan gyebyeong (進饌契屛: folding screens of formal royal banquets) on a regular basis in the nineteenth century and also played a decisive role in the production of large-scale gungjunghwa like Donggwoldo and Seogwoldo (西闕圖: Painting of West Palace).67 The fact that there were more gungjung girokhwa made illustrating the birth, gwallye, and iphagnye of Hyomyeong Seja than of any other wangseja correlates with his political standing.
Title | Date of Production | Ritual Type | Contents | List of Participants | Format |
---|---|---|---|---|---|
Wangseja tan-gang gyebyeong | 1812 | Tan-gang | Yojiyeon | Sansilcheong | Eight-fold screen |
Wangseja iphakdocheop | 1817 | Entrance to Seonggyun-gwan | Entrance to Seonggyun-gwan | Sigang-won | Painting album |
Ikjong gwallyejinha gyebyeong | 1819 | Gwallye | Jinharye | Dangsang at Seungjeong-won | Eight-fold screen |
Sugyodocheop | 1819 | Gwallye | Gwallye | (none) | Painting album |
( Table 3 ) List of gyecheop and gyebyeong of gungjung girokhwa pertaining to Ikjong (翼宗)
There were three wangseja gungjung girokhwa made during the reign of King Gojong (r. 1863-1907). They are a folding screen made by officials of the Sansilcheong to commemorate the birth of the wangseja (Sunjong, r. 1907-1910) in 1874 (Plate 16) and two more folding screens made by military officials at the Owidochongbu and Wijangso to celebrate the wangseja's recovery from smallpox in 1879 (Plate 3). Although these three paintings are neither the creations of the Sigang-won nor about donggung uirye, they are, nonetheless, folding screens that celebrate the birth of the wangseja and his recovery from illness.
( Plate 16 ) Detail of the Folding Screen in Commemoration of the Hyomyeong Seja's Birth Anonymous, 1874 Ten-fold screen, colors on paper H: 101.2 cm, W: 41.4 cm (each panel) National Museum of Korea
The most salient characteristics of nineteenth-century paintings of court ceremonies are the restriction of subject matter to jinchan or jinnyeon and their folding screen format. In that context, all the Wangseja iphakdocheop, Sugyodocheop, and Hoegang banchadocheop that the Sigang-won produced are unconventional in both format and content. These three works are not folding screens but painting albums with realistic depictions of court ceremonies relating to the wangseja. In particular, they are distinct from other contemporary paintings in that they are extraordinarily informative. They clearly exhibit thoughtful consideration behind the creation of an illustrative painting that the young seja could comfortably view and from which he could easily absorb the sequence of the ceremony procedures. Such considerations are amply evident in the depiction of key scenes from a particular ceremony in the order in which they are performed as well as in the convenient painting album format that these illustrations assume.
This kind of special consideration for the young Crown Prince was possible precisely because it was the officials of the Sigang-won, who, as his closest assistants, were in charge of producing the documentary paintings. Such considerations on the part of the Sigang-won officials in devising a painting format conducive to easy understanding can also be found in earlier works. For instance, the Simindangdocheop of 1670, a gyecheop by the Sigang-won, originated from Jeong Gyeongse's schematic explanation of the ritual protocol governing the gwallye. In this light, it can be argued that the practice of visually illustrating ceremony proceedings in the form of painting albums was a time-honored documentary tradition of the Sigang-won.
This tradition stands in contrast to the intention behind the making of the folding screen of Hyomyeong Seja's chaegnye in 1812 by former officials of the Sansilcheong or the folding screen in the wake of his gwallye in 1819 by officials of the Seungjeong-won (承政院: Royal Secretariat). The purposes behind the production of these gungjung girokhwa are apparent in the paintings themselves. The intentions of the officials of the Seungjeong-won who had commissioned the Ikjong gwallyejinha gyebyeong (Plate 12), which depicts all civil and military officials offering congratulations to the king, were quite different from those of the officials of the Sigang-won who had commissioned the Wangseja iphakdocheop, which shows the wangseja as the recipient of a congratulatory ceremony. In other words, the last scene of the Wangseja iphakdocheop depicts, instead of the wangseja performing a congratulatory rite for the king, the Crown Prince himself as the recipient of such a rite performed by all the palace officials. That the last scene is named Suhado in itself indicates what the purpose and use of this painting album were, which are quite different from those of the folding screen above.
The thirteen extant Joseon documentary court paintings relating to the wangseja range in date from the sixteenth to the nineteenth centuries. They depict various momentous occasions in the life of the wangseja: tan-gang (birth), chaekbong (investiture), iphak (commencement of learning), seoyeon (court lectures), gwallye (coming-of-age), garye (nuptials), and recovery from serious illness, and are represented by hanging scrolls, albums, and screen paintings. This paper has analyzed, within the broader context of all court documentary paintings of the Joseon period, the characteristics and significance of some of these works - the scarcity of selections notwithstanding - that had been commissioned by the Sigang-won and that were essentially documentary paintings of actual court ceremonies.
Though gungjung girokhwa pre-dating the eighteenth century did include the wangseja as a subject, it is likely that such paintings were close in style to the paintings of gatherings of scholar-officials that were popular during the sixteenth to the seventeenth centuries. The eight paintings created in the nineteenth century discussed in this article can be divided into two categories according to their intended use: first, folding screens (gyebyeong) of ceremonies commissioned by the relevant court bureau and second, albums (gyecheop) commissioned by the Sigang-won. The former are a product of the trend of the time in depicting jinharye on a large-scale gyebyeong while the latter are related to the wangseja's initiation and education.
As discussed above, these paintings by the Sigang-won are clearly different in form, composition, and narrative illustration from contemporary folding-screen ceremonial paintings produced by other bureaux within the royal court. They are all instructional albums that depict various ritual protocols in sequence. In effect, these pedagogical illustrations are the product of the special consideration for the young wangseja on the part of the Sigang-won officials. The Simindangdocheop and the Wangseja iphakdocheop are albums made by the Sigang-won to commemorate a particular ceremony, while the Sugyudocheop and Hoegang banchadocheop are, the lack of documented evidence notwithstanding, most likely albums of the respective ceremonies prepared by the Sigang-won in advance and brought into the Donggung, the Crown Prince's quarters for instructional purposes. As of the seventeenth century, the Sigang-won's practice of producing illustrated paintings featuring ritual protocol with the purpose of simplifying the procedures for the seja was in place. This convention was a direct factor in the making of gyecheop by officials of the Sigang-won. Moreover, it was also proven that the hitherto unknown subject matter of Sugeyodocheop was the visual manifestation of ceremonial protocol.
Not all ceremonial paintings commissioned by the Sigang-won were painting albums, however. For instance, the Munhyoseja chaegnye gyebyeong of 1784 is significant among the paintings commissioned by the Sigang-won for its realistic representation of a court ceremony. That it was created as a gyecheop rather than a painting album is due in large measure to King Jeongjo's policy of enhancing the prestige of the Sigang-won. In the same vein, it is important to note that post-eighteenth century gungjung girokhwa mainly feature Crown Princes in the reigns of Kings Jeongjo, Sunjo, and Gojong. It means that girokhwa related to the wangseja are intimately tied to the politics of strengthening the kingship, enhancing the status of the Sigang-won, and expanding the political role of the seoyeon-gwan. The intermingling of these factors acted as a catalyst in the production of girokhwa during this time.
As the production of gungjung girokhwa was initiated by officials of various court offices, the paintings closely reflect the political mood of the time, as well as any changes in the organizational structure or status of the different court offices. Such was certainly the case with the gungjung girokhwa related to the wangseja produced during the reigns of Kings Jeongjo, Sunjo, and Gojong. Therefore, the correlation between the politico-social background behind gungjung girokhwa and the jwamok or the list of participants in the ceremony that these works contain is very important in the study of gungjung girokhwa. Further study of the subject from political and social perspectives lies ahead.
For more information on the various rituals of initiation and education that a crown prince was obliged to undergo, see Kim Munsik and Kim Jeongho, The Education of the Crown Princes of the Joseon Dynasty (朝鮮의 王世子 敎育), Seoul: Gimm-Young Publishers, Inc. (김영출판사), 2003.
For a comprehensive study of Joseon court documentary paintings related to the crown prince, see Park Jeong-hye, “The Crown Prince and Documentary Paintings during the Joseon Dynasty,” The Documentary Paintings and Maps of Joseon Dynasty from the Jangseogak Library (조선왕실의 행사그림과 옛 지도), Seoul: Minsokwon (민속원), 2005. 10-52.
The reason that King Sunjo appointed Prince Hyomyeong as his regent is twofold: to protect the kingship that could be threatened by his illness and to restrain the potential comeback of Andong Kim clan's political influence that he had experienced as a young king. For more details, see Kim Myeongsuk, “Anti-Movement against the Political Power of Maternal Relatives in the Nineteenth Century: with Concentration on Hyomyeong Seja's Rule as Regent (19세기 반외척세력의 정치동향: 순조조 효명세자의 대리청정을 중심으로),” Hyomyeong Seja Yeon-gu (孝明世子研究: Study of Prince Hyomyeong), Seoul: Dusol Publishing, 2005. 61-104.
For more details on the establishment as well as the operation and developement of the organization of Sigang-won, see Lee Seokgyu (李碩圭), “Study on the Seoyeon during the early Joseon Dynasty (朝鮮初朝 書筵에 대하여),” MA thesis, Hanyang University, 1985. 4-26; Lee Kisun (李基淳), “A Research on the Sigang-won of the Joseon Dynasty (朝鮮時代 侍講院에 관한 研究),” Hongiksahak (弘益史學: Hongik Historical Science), vol. 3 (July 1986): 109-41; Yuk Suhwa (陸受禾), “Curriculum of Seja sigang-won of the Joseon Dynasty (朝鮮時代 世子侍講院의 敎育課程),” Jangseogak (藏書閣), vol. 11 (2004): 131-47.
U Gyeongseop, “Bibliographical Essay on the Sigang-wonji (侍講院志 解題),” Sigang-wonji (侍講院志) vol. 1, photoprint, Seoul: Seoul National University Gyujanggak, 2003. 11-3.
Yeongjo sillok (英祖實錄: Annals of King Yeongjo) vol. 93 (Yeongjo 35/3/7); Jeongjo sillok (正祖實錄) vol. 18 (Jeongjo 8/7/2).
This table is based on the following: Joseonwangjo sillok (朝鮮王朝實錄: Annals of the Joseon Dynasty); Jeungbo munheon bigo (增補文獻備考: Revised and Enlarged Edition of the Comparative Review of Records and Documents); Kim Jongwon, 1985; Kim Munsik and Kim Jeongho, 2003.
For more information on the education of crown princes and the ceremonies of commencement of learning of the kings, see Park Jeong-hye, “The Education of Crown Princes of the Joseon Dynasty and Wangseja iphakdocheop (朝鮮時代 王世子 敎育과 ‘王世子入學圖帖'),” Commentary on the Wangseja Iphagdo (王世子入學圖 解說), Seoul: Cultural Heritage Administration of Korea (文化財廳), 2005. 59-64.
Kim Jongwon (金鍾源), “A Research on the Education in the Siganwon during the Joseon Dynasty (朝鮮朝 侍講院 敎育에 關한 研究),” PhD diss., Wonkwang University, 1985. 95-6.
See the section on Seoyeon (書筵) in Siganwon (侍講院), Yukjeonjorye (六典條例: Applications of the Six Codes) vol. 6.
Regarding these two works, see Park Eunsun (朴銀順),"Jeongmyojo (正廟朝) Folding Screen of Crown Prince's Investiture Ceremony (王世子冊禮禊屛): An Example of Folding Screen Paintings of Immortals (神仙圖禊屛),” Misulsayeongu (美術史研究: Journal of Art History), vol. 4 (1990): 101-12; Yun Jinyeong (尹軫暎), “The Gyehoedo (契會圖) of the Joseon Dynasty (朝鮮時代 契會圖 研究),” PhD diss., The Graduate School of Korean Studies, The Academy of Korean Studies, 2004. 244-53.
For detailed information on the Investiture Ceremony of the Crown Prince Munhyo, see Book of Court Ceremony on the Investiture of Munhyo Seja (文孝世子受冊時 冊禮都艦儀軌), Seoul: Seoul National University Gyujanggak (Collection No. 13200).
The entire list is as follows: bodeok: Jo Sangjin (趙尚鎭, 1740-1820), Gim Ujin (金宇鎭, 1754-?), Jo Jeongjin (趙鼎鎭, 1732-1792), Yi Munwon (李文源, 1740-1794), Gim Jaechan (金載瓚, 1746-1827), Seo Yongbo (徐龍輔, 1757-1824), Jeong Dongjun (鄭東浚, 1753-?); pilseon: Gwon eom (權示嚴, 嚴자 앞에 示가 있는 한자 1729-1801), Song Jeon (宋銓, 1741-1814), Yi Joseung (李祖承, 1754-?); munhak: Yi □-sang (李□祥) and Seo Hyeongsu (徐瀅修, 1749-1824), Yi Gyeombin (李謙彬, 1742-?), Seo Misu (徐美修, 1752-?), Seo Yuseong (徐有成, 1739-?); saseo: Seong Jongin (成種仁, 1751-?), Kim Gyerak (金啓洛, 1753-1815), Im Jewon (林濟遠, 1737-?), Yi Jipdu (李集斗, 1744-1820); seolseo: Shim Jinhyeon (沈晉賢, 1747-?), Shin Bok (申馥, 1753-?), Yi Kyeong-oh (李敬五, 1740-?), Yi Gonsu (李崑秀, 1762-1788), Yun Haeng-im (尹行任, 1762-1801), Jeong Donggwan (鄭東觀, 1762-?). The positions are listed in the order of rank, former official, current official, and age.
Jeongjo sillok vol. 18 (Jeongjo 8/7/27); Gukjo oryeui (國朝五禮儀: Book on the Five Rites of State) vol. 4, Garye (嘉禮: Festive Ceremony), Chaegwangseja-ui (冊王世刊義) section.
See Park Jeong-hye, A Study on Court Documentary Paintings of the Joseon Dynasty (朝鮮時代 宮中記錄畫 研究), Seoul: Iljisa (一志社), 2000. 447-54.
The uiju recorded in this painting album is also contained in the Donggung Ilgi (東宮日記: Diary of Donggung), Hyomyeong Seja (孝明世子), jeongchuk (丁丑) year, second month, 11th day.
The poems to this painting album was written by such officials of the Sigang-won - except for the head/deputy teachers (sa/bu, 師·傅) and two assistant teachers (yisa, 貳師) - as jwabin-gaek Yi Mansu (李晚秀, 1752-1820), ubin-gaek Nam Gongcheol, jwabubin-gaek Gim Huisun (金羲淳, 1757-1821), ububin-gaek Gim Igyo (金履喬, 1764-1832), bodeok Seo Jeongbo (徐鼎輔, 1762-?), gyeombodeok Yi Heonki (李憲琦, 1774-1842), pilseon Yi Jongmok (李鍾穆), gyoempilseon Hong Gyeongmo (洪敬謨, 1774-1841), munhak Gim Byeonggu (金炳球), gyeommunhak Yun Eungdae (尹應大), saseo Gim Jaewon (金在元), gyeomsaseo Yi Kyuhyeon (李奎鉉), seolseo Nam Imu (南履懋).
Protocols of Chulgung-ui along with Jakheonui are prescribed in Gukjo oryeui (國朝五禮儀), vol. 2, Gillye (吉禮: Auspicious Ceremony), Wangseja jakheon munseonwang iphagui (王世子酌獻 文宣王入學儀) part. Jakheonye is separately classified into gillye as it is for sacrificial rituals.
See Yeongjo sillok vol. 104 (Yeongjo 40/12/18); Jeongjo sillok vol. 18 (Jeongjo 8/8/2); Protocol Guide Produced by the Investiture Office of the Wangseja, Monhyo Seja (文孝世子受冊時 冊禮都監儀軌), Sangjeon (賞典: Rites of Award).
The dress protocols and equipage of the Crown Prince depicted in the painting accord with the regulation of Gukjo oryeui seorye (國朝五禮儀序例) vol. 2, Garye, Wangseja-uijang in the Nobu (鹵簿王世子儀仗: Ceremonial Equipage of the Crown Prince).
The most detailed commentary on ceremonies concerning Jakheon in the Munmyo is found in the Taehakji (太學志) vol. 4, Yeak (禮樂: Ritual and Music), Wangseja jakheoniphak (王世子酌獻入學).
This tombstone was erected in the 10th year of King Taejong (1410) by Byeon Gyeryang (卞季良, 1369-1430) upon Taejong's command to inscribe the history of the Munmyo. The bigak built in the sixth year of King Jungjong (1511) was destroyed during the Japanese invasion (壬辰倭亂, imjin waeran), and was restored in the fourth year of King Injo (1626).
For the history of the Seongyun-gwan and the names and functions of the buildings it contained, see Taehakji (太學志) vol. 1, Geonchi (建置: Constructions and Myou (廟宇: Shrines).
The seja's iphagnye is prescribed in the Gukjo oryeui vol. 4, Garye. The procedures include Wangbogui and Supyeui.
For the text book of the lecture at that time, the Sigang-won chose the Sohak (小學). See Sunjo sillok vol. 20 (Sunjo 17/2/6); Donggung Ilgi, Hyomyeong Seja, jeongchuk year, 2nd month, 2nd day.
Park Jeong-hye, “Sagwejangdocheop and Yeonsidocheop of the Joseon Period (朝鮮時代 賜几杖圖帖과 延諡圖帖),” Misulsahakyoengu (美術史學研究: Korean Journal of Art History), vol. 231 (September 2001): 41-73.
Concerning the graphical comparison of the five pieces of Wangseja iphakdocheop, see Park Jeong-hye, “The Education of Crown Princes of the Joseon Dynasty and Wangseja iphakdocheop,” Commentary on the Wangseja Iphakdo, Seoul: Cultural Heritage Administration of Korea, 2005. 59-64.
See Gukjo oryeui vol. 3, Garye, Seoyeonhoegangui (書筵會講儀: Codes of Reviewing Lesssons); Sigang-wonji vol. 1, Ganggyu (講規), Seoyeonhoegangui (書筵會講儀).
At the same time, the repeated applications of various yellow to the costumes decrease the realistic effect.
See Jeong Gyeongse (鄭經世), Ubokjip (愚伏集) vol. 15, Bal (跋: epilog), Seochun-gung gwallyedohu (書春宮冠禮圖後: Epilogue for the Painting of Seja's Gwallye).
Besides this Gwallyedo, this uigwe contains the same form of chaegnyedo, while other uigwe do not contain any banchado consisting of such inscriptions. The banchado was probably made for this exceptional case of the gwallye and chaegnye being held successively on the same day.
Six rolls of black silk and four rolls of red silk were a typical gift bestowed on such big occasions as royal nuptials.
Ikjong had his own gwallye at Gyeonghuigung (慶熙宮) in the third month of 1819. Sunjo sillok vol. 22 (Sunjo 19/3/20).
Paintings related to Dongjo (東朝: term to call wangdaebi and daewangdaebi) were intensively produced in gyebyeong that depicts the scenes of jinchan, jinnyeon, or jinha in the ninteenth century.
Seo Jeongbo, “Essay on the Documentary Painting of Seoyeon-gwan sayeon (書筵官賜宴圖記),” Seoyeon-gwan sayeondo geup namjigirohoedo (書筵官賜宴圖及南池耆老會圖), The National Library of Korea.
Jungjong sillok vol. 60 (Jungjong 22/12/8); vol. 78 (Jungjong 29/10/6); vol. 105 (Jungjong 39/10/15).
According to the gimun (記文: essay) written by bodeok (for Hyomyeong Seja), Seo Jeongbo in the Daeguseossi gajeonhwacheop (大邱徐氏家傳畫帖: Painting Album for Seo Family of Daegu), this painting was originally made as a hanging scroll but recompiled into a painting album after the Imjinwaeran.
When King Hyojong (孝宗) acceded to the throne and engaged sallim scholars who had been out of office, Song Siyeol was appointed jinseon of the Siganwon together with Song Jun-gil. Song Siyeol was reappointed as chanseon (讚善) in 1658.
Song Siyeol (宋時烈), “Simindang-yadaeseo (時敏堂夜對序),” Songjadajeon (宋子大全) vol. 137: Hanguk munjipchonggan [韓國文集叢刊], vol. 112, Seoul: Minjokmunhwa Chujinhoe (民族文化推進會), 1998. 524.
With respect to this topic, it is necessary to examine and to analyze the political propensities of the officials of the Sigang-won - a task that I shall undertake at a future date.