The Journal of Korean Art and Archaeology

Introduction

It has been ten years since the Oegyujanggak Uigwe were repatriated to Korea. In response to the dedicated efforts of all those involved in their return, researchers have been hard at work to convey the cultural richness of the Joseon dynasty (朝鮮, 1392–1897) contained within the uigwe (royal protocols).

Over the past decade, major institutions have completed basic research aimed at laying the groundwork for more in-depth explorations of the uigwe in their collections, and now provide bibliographies, full annotations, and original images of these materials on their official websites. Translation efforts have also made progress, as can be seen from the growing number of uigwe available in modern Korean (Kim Ki-bin and Oh Se-ok 2012; Park Heonsun and Oh Se-ok 2013; Korea National University of Arts 2012–2013; Lee Sangsik and Cho Yun-seon 2013; Kim Woo-cheol 2014; Kim Chul-bae 2014; Chung Hoo-soo 2018; Ryu Hoseok 2020; Kim Sang-hwan 2015; Suwon Hwaseong Museum 2015). The Institute for the Translation of Korean Classics (ITKC) completed the translation of the Uigwe Produced by the Directorate for the Royal Wedding (嘉禮都監儀軌, Garyedogam uigwe), the Uigwe for the King’s Farming Ceremony (親耕儀軌, Chingyeong uigwe), the Uigwe for the Queen’s Silkworm Farming Ceremony (親蠶儀軌, Chinjam uigwe), and the Uigwe for the Royal Ancestral Shrine (宗廟儀軌, Jongmyo uigwe), followed by the translation of the Uigwe for Gyeongmogung Palace (景慕宮儀軌, Gyeongmogung uigwe), and the Uigwe for the Altar of the Grain and Soil (社稷署儀軌, Sajikseo uigwe), among others. The city of Suwon along with the Gyeonggi Cultural Foundation published a new translation of the Uigwe for the Royal Procession to Hwaseong Fortress (園幸乙卯整理儀軌, Wonhaeng eulmyo jeongni uigwe) in 2015, and also published an annotated facsimile edition of the Uigwe in Hangeul (Korean native script) that had previously been in the possession of the library at the École des Langues Orientales in France.1 The National Palace Museum of Korea translated the Uigwe for Painting the Royal Portrait (影幀模寫都監儀軌, Yeongjeong mosadogam uigwe), the Uigwe for the Royal Seals (寶印所儀軌, Boinso uigwe), and the Uigwe Produced by the Directorate for the Crown Prince’s Wedding Ceremony (皇太子嘉禮都監儀軌, Hwangtaeja garyedogam uigwe). In addition to translation projects, a study on difficult uigwe terms was also conducted, resulting in the publication of a dictionary meant to provide assistance on how to read and use uigwe materials (Yeo Chan Young et al. 2012).

Research has been actively carried out in the fields of art history, costumes, music, and architecture using the unique records found within uigwe, including the records on royal ceremonies and rituals, ritual objects, materials for construction work, and the production of various items and instruments used at the royal court. In the field of Korean history, research has been thoroughly conducted on the kings, the royal family, and royal ceremonies and rituals based on the uigwe records (Jung Jaehoon 2012, 335–358).

Research papers have been submitted on the following royal rituals and state events: the manufacture of firearms in the early seventeenth century, the publication of the Postscripts to the Genealogy of the Joseon Royal Family (璿源系譜紀略, Seonwon gyebo giryak), King Jeongjo (正祖, r. 1776–1800)’s visit to the royal tomb at Hyeollyungwon in 1795 and his administration of state affairs, the construction of Hwaseong Fortress, the great archery ceremony, the king’s farming ceremony (Chingyeong), the queen’s silkworm farming ceremony (Chinjam), the repair works of Gyeongdeokgung Palace and Changdeokgung Palace, the reconstruction of Gyeongungung Palace, the extension of the Altar of Great Recompense (大報壇, Daebodan), the royal placenta burial ceremony and the creation of the royal placenta chambers, the compilation and revision of the Veritable Records of the Joseon Dynasty, the compilation of the Clear Mirror of Enlightened Righteousness (闡義昭鑑, Cheonui sogam) during the reign of King Yeongjo (英祖, r. 1724–1776), the compilation of the Valuable Examples for Succeeding Reigns (國朝寶鑑, Gukjo bogam) during King Jeongjo’s reign, the reception of the Ming envoys, the state rites at the Altar of the Soil and Grain, the royal wedding ceremonies, royal banquets, the investiture of the crown prince and grandson-heir apparent, the accession of King Gojong (高宗, r. 1863–1970) to the imperial throne, state funerals for the king and the queen, and the royal burial of the crown prince, the crown princess, and the grandson-heir apparent (Jung Jaehoon 2012; Kim Moon-sik 2015a). This paper will examine in more detail the history of uigwe research conducted in the field of Korean history since 2012.

Research on the Garyedogam Uigwe and the Royal Wedding

The uigwe books on the wedding ceremony of the king and the crown prince have attracted attention since the start of uigwe research (Shin Byung Ju 2001). This is particularly true of the illustrations of the royal procession in the uigwe (班次圖, banchado), some of which vividly portray the procession of the royal wedding in which the king personally proceeds to the detached palace to welcome the bride and induct her to the palace. However, this ritual known as chinyeongnye, which involved visiting the bride’s house to guide her to the wedding ceremony, was the least established wedding ritual in Joseon Confucian society. The royal family performed chinyeongnye at a detached palace, such as Eouigung Palace (於義宮) and Andongbyeolgung Palace (安洞別宮), instead of visiting a noble family to welcome the bride. At the detached palace, the bride prepared herself for the wedding while learning the royal etiquette rules. On the wedding day, the residents of the capital watched on as the king formally inducted his bride to the palace in a magnificent procession. The illustration of the royal procession for the wedding (嘉禮班次圖, Garye banchado) in the Uigwe Produced by the Directorate for the Royal Wedding (Garyedogam Uigwe) was the most representative image of a splendid and joyful royal parade.

Studies have continuously been conducted on the topic of royal weddings over the past ten years. Chang Byeong-Inn published a book in which he carried out extensive research into how royal weddings changed from the early to the late Joseon dynasty and what were the implications of such changes (Chang Byung-Inn 2015; 2013). According to the book, the royal court performed a modified chinyeongnye by sending the king’s messenger to guide the bride to the palace or by preparing a temporary house close to the palace where the king received the bride. The latter was called gagwan chinyeong (假館親迎), meaning the chinyeongnye at a temporary residence. Regarding the practice in the late Joseon dynasty where the king or the crown prince went to the detached palace to perform the ritual of receiving the bride, the book considered the practice to fall into the category of gagwan chinyeong. In the late Joseon period, the detached palace was used as a temporary residence where the maiden, who was selected as queen or crown princess, awaited the royal wedding. The soon-to-be queen or the soon-to-be crown princess prepared herself in this palace by learning the royal etiquette rules before proceeding to the palace with the king or the crown prince to perform the last ritual of the wedding ceremony (Fig. 1).

Fig. 1. The King’s Palanquin in the “Painting of the Royal Procession for the Wedding Ceremony of King Yeongjo and Queen Jeongsun” from the Second Volume of the Uigwe for the Wedding Ceremony of King Yeongjo and Queen Jeongsun. Joseon, 1759. 47.3 × 67.2 cm. Bibliothèque nationale de France, Loan to National Museum of Korea

Then why did the chinyeongnye fail to establish itself during the royal wedding ceremony? There are two major explanations. According to the first one, it is because royal ceremonies were meant to draw a clear distinction between the king or the royal family and everyone else, with the chinyeongnye of the royal family performed in a detached palace being one such example. The second explanation highlights the royal court’s commitment to performing chinyeongnye despite all the special circumstances that Joseon society and the royal family faced, including the difficulty in securing space for the ceremony. The logic of cheonha dongnye (天下同禮), meaning that the entire world performs the same proprieties, was invoked to justify the practice of the chinyeong ceremony by the royal court. It was believed that emphasizing the king as a superior, distinctive, and exceptional being could pose challenges in controlling the arbitrary exercise of sovereign power. Therefore, the request for the king to adhere to the same precedents as his subjects and the people was not meant to undermine the king’s authority. Instead, it was an expression that the kingship should also be constrained by universal rules.

Then why was chinyeongnye considered a universal precedent that even the kings had to follow? Although the king held a superior status along with the royal family, they were expected to serve as a model for the families of the common people. Zhu Xi (朱熹), who had a profound influence on Joseon culture, emphasized in his book the Family Rituals (家禮, Garye) that the husband and wife were the two pillars of a family and that marriage was an important ceremony announcing the beginning of a new family. By carefully selecting the spouse, by making a sincere marriage proposal, and by holding a wedding ceremony in front of many people, Zhu Xi sought to elevate the significance of a couple’s union to that of a bond shared by people of the same blood.2 As for chinyeongnye, it was regarded as a ritual of paramount importance in the Confucian wedding ceremony, in which the groom went to the bride’s house to guide her to the new family and to make her the lady of the house. Expecting that all families of Joseon would appreciate the significance of chinyeongnye, the royal court authorized the ritual as a formal procedure during the royal wedding ceremony.

Research on the royal wedding ceremony recorded in the uigwe has been expanded to include the weddings of the prince and the princess in addition to the weddings of the king, the crown prince, and the grandson-heir apparent. It was known during the initial phase of basic uigwe research that each institution possesses a considerable number of official records called deungnok regarding the royal ceremonies (Lee Mi-Seon 2015; Yim Min Hyeok 2013). According to these official records, the marriage of a prince or princess was called gilrye (吉禮) instead of garye, and even the children of the king, except for the heir to the throne, were sent out from the palace upon reaching adulthood. A prince celebrated his passage into manhood around the age of ten, proceeding to get married at about twelve years of age, settled in a place outside the palace after the wedding ceremony. The official records on the wedding ceremony of the prince and the princess document not only the entire procedure of the event but also a detailed account of the process of settling outside the capital, including finding a home and acquiring all the basic household items (Fig. 2).3

Fig. 2. Book cover and Page 78 from the Official Records of the Coming-of-age Ceremony for Prince Yeoning. Joseon, 1712. 42.2 × 28.0 cm. Jangseogak Archives of the Academy of Korean Studies

During the reign of King Sukjong, two important practices were newly introduced in relation to the royal wedding. Firstly, the establishment of the official selection of royal concubines led to the formalization of their wedding ceremonies as court rituals. The wedding ceremony of King Sukjong (肅宗, r. 1674–1720) and Yeongbin (寧嬪, Royal Concubine Yeong) of the Kim clan was recorded by the Office of the Wedding Ceremony. The comparison of these records with the uigwe books on the royal wedding ceremonies for the queens and crown princesses offers a full picture of the royal wedding ceremony (Lee Mi-Seon 2019; Yim Min Hyeok 2012a; 2012b).

Secondly, a new practice began in which the queen or the crown princess visited the Royal Ancestral Shrine after concluding their wedding ceremony.4 In the case of noble families, the bride also paid a visit to the family shrine after meeting her parents-in-law. If chinyeongnye was a ritual to announce the union of the bride and the bridegroom, the ceremony of visiting the family shrine was a procedure to announce that the bride had become a member of the clan, or extended family. It was in the second year of King Sukjong’s reign (1696) that a bride of the royal family first visited the Royal Ancestral Shrine (宗廟). The crown princess, accompanied by palace ladies, entered the Royal Ancestral Shrine to perform the ritual. The long-standing prohibition barring women from entering into the Royal Ancestral Shrine was brought to an end with the argument that the royal wedding ceremony should serve as a model for all Joseon families.

Current Research on Uigwe Regarding State Funerals and Points of Contention: For Whom and How Much to Grieve

Among the vast collection of existing uigwe volumes, the ones dedicated to the funerals of the kings, queens, crown princes, and crown princesses constitute the largest proportion. Although the procedures are complicated and the terminology difficult, research on the funerary and burial rituals has made considerable progress over the past ten years, leading to the publication of two volumes belonging to the Oegyujanggak Uigwe Academic Series (National Museum of Korea 2015; 2018).

Research on royal funeral and burial rites in the field of Korean history has mainly focused on case studies illuminating the differences in funeral and burial rites according to the status of the deceased (Lee Hyunjin 2012; 2014; 2015a; 2016a; 2016b; 2017; Kim Yun-Jung 2014; 2016). As for the period when no uigwe was produced or no uigwe of this period has been preserved regarding state funerary rites, empirical research was conducted by referring to the uigwe books compiled during the late Joseon dynasty (Yang Jung-hyun 2014; Seok Chang-Jin 2014; Cho Young Cheol 2014; Lee Ji Hun 2014; Hong Geun-hye 2017). The research restored a state funeral that was conducted for a long period of three years based on the uigwe for funeral rites, such as the Uigwe Produced by the Directorate of the Royal Coffin Hall (殯殿都監儀軌, Binjeon dogam uigwe), the Uigwe Produced by the Directorate of the State Funeral (國葬都監儀軌, Gukjang dogam uigwe), the Uigwe Produced by the Directorate of the Royal Tomb (山陵都監儀軌, Salleung dogam uigwe), the Uigwe Produced by the Directorate of the Spirit Hall (魂殿都監儀軌, Honjeon dogam uigwe), and the uigwe offering a record of the state funeral for King Jeongjo, in addition to other official records on state funerary rites. Research was also carried out on the religious and cultural significance of the state funerals as a rite of mourning, including a study exploring the state funeral as a ritual meant to maintain balance between the family and the state which embraces the private rituals of the royal family and the public rites of the state (Lee Hyunjin 2015b; Lee Wook 2017; Lee Jaejeong 2015).

The state funerary rites of the Joseon dynasty were performed in accordance with the Five Rites of the State (國朝五禮儀, Gukjo oryeui) compiled during the reign of King Seongjong (成宗, r. 1469–1494). As changes were steadily being made to the state funerary rites during the late Joseon period, King Yeongjo issued the Revised Compilation of the State Funerary Rites (國朝喪禮補編, Gukjo sangnye bopyeon) which reflected all the changes. The book established new precedents on state funeral and burial rites. Furthermore, rituals deemed excessive were simplified and details considered inadequate were complemented during the funerals of a royal grandson and the queen in 1751 and 1757, respectively. One topic worth exploring would be how state funeral rites changed after the release of the Revised Compilation of the State Funerary Rites and what these changes signify.

Meanwhile, research was conducted on the state funeral rite for the queen who passed away before the king, focusing on the distinctive characteristics of the ritual (Kim Yun-Jung 2017; 2018a; 2018b; 2018c; 2020), with a particular focus on the kind of mourning garments used (服制) and who presided over the rite (主喪). Despite being a state rite, the funeral of the queen differed in certain aspects from that of the king. Specifically, the presiding role was assumed by the crown prince instead of the king, and only the crown prince and court officials wore mourning garments. Furthermore, the mourning period only lasted fifteen months. However, changes were made to this precedent during the state funeral for Queen Jeongseong during the reign of King Yeongjo when the king personally presided over the rite and the mourning period was extended to twenty-five months (Fig. 3).

Fig. 3. Pages 7 and 41 from the Uigwe for the Royal Coffin Hall for Queen Jeongseong. Joseon, 1757. 47.9 × 35.0 cm. Bibliothèque nationale de France, Loan to National Museum of Korea

Changes in funeral and burial rites are difficult to follow due to the complexity of ritual procedures, but the direction of the change was clear. Graded mourning garments were officially introduced to express the degree of grief for the deceased. During the state funeral for the queen, the mourning garments that the king wore was reflective of the husband’s grieving and respect for his deceased wife. As the royal family opted to prioritize propriety and mutual respect between husband and wife over state affairs, in accordance with the Confucian classics and Zhu Xi’s Family Rituals, the royal wedding ceremony turned into an opportunity to project the image of an exemplary family. It also served to convey the proper roles of new family members as well as to display the distinctive authority of the royal family. The funeral and burial rites for the queen in the late Joseon also underwent continuous changes, which are faithfully reflected in the uigwe for funeral and burial rites of this period.

Current Research on the Uigwe for Chusung, Bumyo, and Gungwon and Issues of Contention: The Ceremony of Enshrining the Spirit Tablet in the Royal Ancestral Shrine and the Legitimacy of Kingship

One noteworthy aspect of uigwe research conducted over the past ten years has been the exploration of rituals for the royal family members not invested as king or queen. The conferral of the title of king or queen posthumously is closely related to the rituals of chusung (the ceremonial act of conferring an honorary title upon the deceased) and bumyo (the ceremonial act of enshrining the spirit tablet in the Royal Ancestral Shrine).

Chusung and bumyo have been important topics in the study of the Joseon dynasty due to their direct relevance to the issue of kingship legitimacy. It is widely known that King Seongjong and King Injo (仁祖, r. 1623–1649) performed the ceremony of bumyo, each enshrining their own father in the Royal Ancestral Shrine even though neither had been a king. Therefore, chusung and bumyo have been regarded as rituals aimed at legitimizing royal power. King Yeonsangun (燕山君, r. 1494–1506) and King Gwanghaegun (光海君, r. 1608–1623) also did the same thing by granting their deceased mothers the status of queen even though they had not been queens.

However, not all kings conferred the honorary title of king or queen to their own parents. For example, King Seonjo (宣祖, r. 1567–1608) only conferred the posthumous name of Deokheung Daewongun upon his father, refraining from bestowing him the title of king, and did not perform the ceremony of enshrining his father’ spirit tablet in the Royal Ancestral Shrine. As for King Gyeongjong (景宗, r. 1720–1724), he only conferred the honorary title of Oksanbu Daebin (玉山府大嬪, Grand Royal Concubine of Oksanbu) upon his mother Jang Huibin, or Lady Jang, after she was poisoned to death. King Yeongjo bestowed the posthumous name of Yuksang (毓祥) upon his mother and elevated the status of her shrine to gung (special shrine) and her tomb to won (low-level mausoleum). Although he made use of the gungwon system (宮園制) to raise the status of his mother higher than that of other concubines, King Yeongjo did not go as far as other Joseon kings who conferred the titles of king or queen to their own parents and enshrined their spirit tablets in the Royal Ancestral Shrine.

The rituals of chusung and bumyo became a highly debated issue in the light of the incident involving Crown Prince Sado, King Jeongjo’s father, prompting the need for a reinterpretation of the political and cultural significance of these rituals. Following new translations of Hanjungnok (閑中錄, The Memoirs of Lady Hyegyeong) and the discovery of King Jeongjo’s secret letters, the rituals related to Crown Prince Sado emerged as a topic of great interest to researchers. In the previous discussions, rituals conducted for Crown Prince Sado had been explained in relation to the gungwon system (Kim Moon-sik 2020). In this frame, Jeongjo was considered a king who pursued his elaborate plan to avenge his father’s death after accession to the throne and the construction of Hyeollyungwon (the mausoleum of Crown Prince Sado). His visit to Hyeollyungwon in the year of eulmyo (1795) and the construction of Hwaseong Fortress were all explained as part of his plan to avenge his father and restore his honor (Yoo Bong Hak 2001; Chung Hai Deuk 2009; Choe Seong Hwan 2012; Lee, Hyunjin 2013; Kim Moon-sik 2015b). According to this framework, King Jeongjo wished to confer the title of king to his father Crown Prince Sado, but he encountered the objection of officials who cited King Jongjo’s promise with King Yeongjo as a justification. Subsequently, the King altered his plan and resolved to abdicate the throne to his son at a suitable time. The intention was for his heir to confer the title upon Crown Prince Sado, while he engaged in state affairs from Hwaseong Fortress as an abdicated king.

Opposing viewpoints emerged as research progressed on uigwe books regarding the records on the rituals for Crown Prince Sado and controversies over the precedent of chusung during the reign of King Jeongjo (Kim Jiyoung 2013; 2015). According to the revised discussion, King Jeongjo performed rituals for the Crown Prince at a level one degree lower than those at the Royal Ancestral Shrine. Hyeollyungwon was constructed one degree lower than the royal tombs, and the rituals of conferring honorary titles upon Crown Prince Sado and Lady Hyegyeong were also carried out at a lower degree than those for kings and queens. This decision was not made because King Jeongjo felt compelled to obey his predecessor, King Yeongjo, nor was it influenced by political considerations. Instead, it was because he deemed it inappropriate for the current authority to arbitrarily change the status of individuals from the past. Likewise, the reason the King did not perform the chusung and bumyo rites for Crown Prince Sado was because his father did not ascend to the throne as king during his lifetime and not because of the crimes he had committed. Interpretations surrounding King Jeongjo’s revenge and filial piety were also revised. King Jeongjo believed that filial piety was not fulfilled by conferring the title of king to his father in spite of opposition, but by administrating state affairs wisely for the people of Joseon while bearing his father’s good deeds and noble qualities in mind.

King Jeongjo had a plan to fully realize the ideology of “the rule of filial piety” which had been revered since the time of Confucius. According to the Uigwe for the Royal Procession to Hwaseong Fortress (Wonhaeng eulmyo jeongni uigwe), King Jeongjo’s visit in 1795 was not simply for the purpose of avenging Crown Prince Sado. Instead, it was an event meant to ritualize the ideology of the rule of filial piety by expanding the love for one’s parents to one’s neighbors, the community, and the entire country (Kim Jiyoung 2020a, 224–239). King Jeongjo built a city near the grave of his father as a pilot project for reforms, where he held a grand banquet for his mother to commemorate her sixtieth birthday. He reduced state expenditures and did not waste public resources to accumulate grain reserves to provide relief to the people. Banquet invitations were extended not only to royal relatives and government officials but the elderly in Hwaseong as well. The King also performed the ceremony of distributing food to the starving people at the gate of the temporary palace. He believed that his love for his mother came from his mother’s love for him, and that such love should be extended to the old, the weak, and those without power. Through the ritual of visiting the royal tomb, King Jeongjo intended to express his belief that the filial piety of a sovereign toward his parents should result in the commendable governance of all the people. In this regard, King Jeongjo did not harbor resentment or seek revenge for the tragic death of his father, choosing instead to channel his emotions into exercising good governance (善政) and forgiveness. The concept of King Jeongjo’s revenge is quite different from the revenge we are familiar with in our time. This is where we should reexamine the significance of the rituals for Crown Prince Sado during the period of King Jeongjo and the records in the uigwe (Fig. 4).

Fig. 4. “Painting of a Banquet for the Elderly at Nangnamheon” and “Painting of the Ritual of Granting Rice at Sinpung Pavilion” from the Uigwe for King Jeongjo’s Visit to the Royal Tomb in Hwaseong in the Year of Eulmyo. Joseon, 1795. 33.8 × 21.8 cm. Kyujanggak Institute for Korean Studies

Research on the Uigwe for Chaengnye, Jonsung and Jonho: Obtaining and Strengthening One’s Status

The titles of royal family members such as the king, the queen, the queen mother, the grand queen dowager, the crown prince, and the crown princess, were bestowed through a ceremony of investiture called chaengnye. In most cases, the king of Joseon ascended the throne following the ceremonial procedure called sawi (嗣位, accession to the throne) after the preceding king passed away. Only after the three-year mourning period and the procedure for enshrining the preceding king’s spirit tablet in the Royal Ancestral Shrine were completed could official ceremonies be held to celebrate the new king’s coronation and to reorganize the royal family (Kim Jiyoung 2020b). The new status was bestowed in public settings, where the king was dressed in ceremonial robes and given a new title, symbol, regalia, and palanquin. Even though his own mother was alive, the queen mother officially became the king’s mother (慈殿). The queen mother and the new king re-established their relationship as a loving mother and a dutiful son, which laid the foundation for a political rhetoric in which the king, guided by filial piety and compassion, could extend benevolence to all people.

After enshrining the spirit tablet of the preceding king in the Royal Ancestral Shrine, jonsung uirye (ritual for conferring an honorary title) was performed for the queen mother and chaengnye (investiture ritual) for the queen. Both rituals, despite having different names, served the common purpose of bestowing a new status to the concerned individual. The Directorate for Bestowing Honorary Titles (jonsung uirye dogam) and the Directorate for Investiture Ceremony (chaengnye dogam) prepared new costumes, palanquins, and regalia in accordance with the newly bestowed status. The king, though he had already ascended the throne, was allowed to use the new palanquin and regalia prepared for him only after the completion of the ritual of enshrining the spirit tablet. The process of preparing new status symbols for the king is recorded in the Separate Uigwe for Sambang (別三房儀軌, Byeolsambang Uigwe), a single-copy book among the Oegyujanggak Uigwe (Fig. 5).

Fig. 5. Pages 3 and 21 from the Separate Uigwe for Sambang. Joseon, 1661. 48.0 × 35.1 cm. Bibliothèque nationale de France, Loan to National Museum of Korea

The ritual for conferring an honorary title, including posthumous names, was additionally conducted for the king, queen, or queen mother, in honor of their virtuous deeds after they were invested with a new status. What constituted a virtuous deed worthy of public recognition was a sensitive political issue, and this attracted the attention of researchers who viewed the ritual as a mere political event. Over the past ten years, research on this issue evolved from a study in political history to a comprehensive examination of uigwe from the eighteenth century to establish the significance of the ritual (Jung Jaehoon 2020). Before King Yeongjo, the ritual for conferring an honorary title to the king was rarely performed. After the reign of King Yeongjo, however, there was a substantial increase in the frequency of rituals for honoring the king, the queen, and the queen mother for their virtuous deeds. During the reign of King Yeongjo, in particular, honorary titles were bestowed upon the king five times. Additionally, they were conferred posthumously to previous kings, including King Hyojong (孝宗, r. 1649–1659), King Hyeonjong (顯宗, r. 1659–1674), and King Sukjong, to commemorate their virtues.

King Yeongjo expressed respect and filial piety to the elders of the royal family by conferring honorary titles several times to the queen mother and the grand queen dowager. King Jeongjo, the successor to King Yeongjo, never received an honorary title, discontinuing the tradition of honoring the king by conferring him a title. Instead, a new precedent was established for the ritual of conferring honorary titles upon the queen mother and the grand queen dowager, a tradition which would endure through the reigns of King Jeongjo, King Sunjo (純祖, r. 1800–1834), King Heonjong, King Cheoljong (哲宗, r. 1849–1863), and King Gojong. This is evident in the frequent occurrence of jinyeon (royal banquet) and jinchan (royal feast) held in honor of the queen mother and the grand queen dowager. The rise in royal rituals aimed at expressing filial piety and respect for mothers led to an expansion of women’s participation in these ceremonies, in turn resulting in the creation of various records extending beyond uigwe, offering researchers additional insights into the culture of royal women at the time.

Meanwhile, research regarding the ritual for the crown prince’s investiture has also progressed. In the Joseon dynasty, crown princes were officially invested at the age of seven or eight and were allocated an official residence called sejagung. Occasionally, the investiture ceremony was expedited significantly due to political circumstances. In most cases, the heir to the throne was called wonja (heir apparent) before the investiture ritual and tutored at Boyangcheong, the office established for the education of wonja. The ritual of investiture was held when the heir apparent reached an age deemed appropriate. The crown prince officially proved his qualifications as successor to the throne by holding iphangnye (ceremony for the commencement of learning) and gwallye (冠禮, coming-of-age ceremony), in addition to chaengnye (Yim Min Hyeok 2008; Kim Moon-sik 2010a; 2010b; Kim Jiyoung 2017a). The ceremonies of chaengnye, gwallye, and iphangnye displayed the Joseon royal court’s belief that being considerate and understanding of others were fundamental qualities for a sovereign and that the inherent virtues of the ruler could be cultivated through education (Fig. 6).

Fig. 6. “Painting of the Royal Procession for the Investiture Ceremony” from the Uigwe for the Investiture Ceremony for Crown Prince Hyomyeong. Joseon, 1812. 47.5 × 33.8 cm. Bibliothèque nationale de France, Loan to National Museum of Korea

During the reigns of King Sukjong, King Yeongjo, King Jeongjo, and King Sunjo, there were instances when young heirs apparent were invested as crown prince at only two or three years of age. Consequently, political disputes over the succession to the throne intensified, and self-deprecating remarks insinuating that the king’s fate rested in the hands of his subjects were voiced. Some researchers claim that the investitures of King Sunjo in 1800 and Crown Prince Hyomyeong in 1812 were intricately linked to specific political circumstances or carried out for political motives (Park Na Yeon 2016; 2021, 62). In effect, it is a frequently employed approach in the study of Korean history to view a specific ritual as a means to gain political advantage or strengthen one’s own political standing.

The ritual procedures during the Joseon dynasty were established based on precedents. The investiture of the crown prince served to declare the appointment of an official heir to succeed previous kings to the throne, ensuring the continuity of the royal family into the future. This explains why King Jeongjo performed rituals for his father Crown Prince Jangheon (or Crown Prince Sado) in addition to the previous kings enshrined in the Royal Ancestral Shrines, and why King Sunjo performed rituals for his father King Jeongjo. It does not seem as though King Jeongjo and King Sunjo explicitly relied on particular precedents or the use of certain historical facts for political purposes, unless some exceptional changes deviating from established precedents and common knowledge were implemented. Further research is needed to explore the links between the study of rituals and the study of political history.

Jinjeon, Yeongjeong, Eojin, Taesil, Publication, Royal Procession, and the Uigwe

Furthermore, research has also been conducted regarding jinjeon (royal portrait hall), eojin (king’s portrait), yeongjeong (portrait of the previous king), taesil (royal placenta chamber), uigwe publication, as well as royal processions recorded inside the uigwe.

Research on the uigwe regarding the royal portrait halls, the king’s portraits, and the portraits of the previous kings is generally divided into two fields: one aimed at reconstructing the rituals at the royal portrait hall, including the enshrining of royal portraits and the performing of state sacrifices, and one focusing on the political effects of the rituals performed at the royal portrait Hall (Fig. 7).

Fig. 7. Pages 5 and 10 from the Uigwe for the Portrait of King Sukjong. Joseon, 1713. 46.0 × 34.3 cm. Bibliothèque nationale de France, Loan to National Museum of Korea

The state sacrifice for the preceding king’s royal portrait differed from that of the state sacrifice at the Royal Ancestral Shrines in terms of formality (Kim Se Eun 2013). In addition to the royal portrait halls, King Yeongjo designated various other places for enshrining royal portraits, bestowing upon these locations a special status as venues where the king personally presented himself. This practice continued even after the reign of King Yeongjo, with all subsequent kings engaging in what is called “royal portrait politics” by enshrining multiple portraits in various different locations (Kim Jiyoung 2011). A recently submitted research paper points out that King Gojong built places for enshrining royal portraits in Gyeongbokgung Palace and Gyeongungung Palace, expecting that political effects of the ritual and its symbolic significance would be produced during his reign. This explains the background for the frequent enshrinement of royal portraits during the reign of King Gojong both in traditional and Western-style buildings (Lee Min Ah 2021).

Several papers also explore uigwe detailing royal placenta chambers. Mostly based on the records found within uigwe, these papers examine the repair works of royal placenta chambers conducted by the state in local areas (Kim Hae Young 2014a; 2014b), with some researchers choosing to focus on the political implications of such an undertaking. Regarding the remodeling work of the old placenta chamber for King Danjong (端宗, r. 1452–1455), located in Gonyang of Gyeongsangdo Province, into the king’s placenta chamber during the reign of King Yeongjo, the research asserts that political motives were at play behind the project. One paper explains that King Yeongjo succeeded King Sukjong in the remodeling project with the intention of showcasing the legitimacy of the royal succession from Sukjong to Yeongjo in the region where a rebellion by military officials took place (Yoon Jeong 2017).

Another comprehensive study was undertaken with the aim of connecting uigwe records related to royal placenta chambers and relevant rituals with the culture of childbirth and placenta burial during the Joseon period (Yun Chin Yong et al. 2018). Not limited to simply reconstructing the process of creating royal placenta chambers, the study delved further into the significance of the ritual of burying placenta in Joseon society. Emphasizing that the original purpose of the placenta burial ritual was to pray for the good health and long life of the royal baby and peaceful reign of the royal family, the study indicates that the ritual of placenta burial underwent a significant change, influenced by the people-oriented ideology, during the reigns of King Yeongjo and King Jeongjo, from a ritual for blessing the royal baby to a simplified ritual for sharing the royal family’s good fortune and wealth with the people.

Uigwe records were also used to conduct a study on book publication in the fields of political history and cultural history. One notable example is a study that delves into the compilation and revision process of the Veritable Records of the Joseon Dynasty and its political significance based on the Uigwe Produced by the Directorate for the Veritable Records (Oh Hang Nyeong 2013). Further research was also conducted aiming to reconstruct the entire process of the publication and distribution of books utilizing uigwe records regarding the publication of the Valuable Examples for Succeeding Reigns (Gukjobogam) (Huh Tae-yong 2013; Kim Hae Young 2017). This includes a paper examining the significance of the king’s writings and other books enshrined in the royal tombs. This study was carried out based on the Uigwe Produced by the Directorate for State Funeral (Gukjangdogam uigwe) instead of the Uigwe regarding compilation and publication (Cho Gye-young 2019; 2020). It is quite intriguing to explore what books the kings wished to take to the grave and what were their symbolic meanings. Research on this topic is expected to advance further with additional studies.

The Uigwe for the Royal Procession to Hwaseong Fortress (Wonhaeng eulmyo jeongni uigwe) is the only uigwe that records the ceremony of the royal procession. However, research on royal processions and the study of uigwe were conducted together as closely related topics because most uigwe books include banchado illustrations that portray the king’s procession. Research on the ceremony of royal procession utilizing the records in uigwe, banchado illustrations, official records, and chronological data began in earnest in the 2000s, resulting in the publication of one paper after the other for the past ten years. Aiming to study the king’s procession as a ceremony, researchers first examined the royal procession for a congratulatory ceremony (gilrye haenghaeng), the royal procession to the royal mausoleum (neunghaeng), and the royal procession to the royal tomb (wonhaeng) stated in the precedents. The researchers also explained the ceremonial significance of the system for night guards and the arrangement of attendant guards during the king’s procession to the royal mausoleum, as well as the types of ceremonial regalia used for the procession (Lee Wang Moo 2016).

Some researchers interpret the king’s royal carriage procession and related formalities as an expression of Joseon’s political culture, which was different from that of the Goryeo dynasty (高麗, 918–1392) (Kim Jiyoung 2017b). Through an examination of the symbols arranged for the procession, the destination of the procession, ceremonial procedures at the destination, and the communication between the king and the people on the road along which the king’s carriage passed, the study reinterprets the political intentions of the royal court and how political views were formed and exchanged during the procession. Although the banchado illustration in the uigwe only depicts a scene from the ceremonial procession, the researchers shifted their attention to the people outside the procession, viewing them as political subjects rather than passive bystanders who took part in communication with the king and actively expressed their opinions. By exploring the king’s processions and other state ceremonies from both the performer’s and participant’s perspectives, the study delves into how Joseon society viewed the principles of good governance behind these ceremonies and rituals and sets a good precedent for moving beyond historical investigation to delve into cultural research on ceremonies and rituals.

Research is also underway on uigwe written in Hangeul (Kim Bongjwa 2015). The surviving Hangeul versions of uigwe, along with various other records written in Hangeul, serve as valuable resources for identifying item names and ritual terms, while also highlighting the active role of women in the royal court, who acted as both subjects of the ritual and subjects of memory. While the source text of the Hangeul uigwe was originally written in Chinese characters, the two versions differ in content. The Hangeul version is not merely a translation but an eonhae, meaning that it is an annotation in Hangeul of the Chinese text which is focused on conveying the content of the uigwe through the Hangeul. Research on how royal women recalled the rituals and how their memories were transmitted through a comparison of the Chinese and Hangeul texts has not advanced significantly. While the Hangeul uigwe has primarily been studied by Korean linguists, there is a need for researchers of uigwe to engage in a comparative study between the Hangeul and Chinese versions.

Conclusion: The Study of Korean History through Uigwe: What Has Been Accomplished and What Remains to Be Done

This paper has delved into the major research conducted over the past decade within the field of Korean history on the royal rituals and state projects of the Joseon dynasty using uigwe books as primary research materials. Thanks to the preliminary research work completed by major institutions on their uigwe collections, researchers were able to start exploring different topics from diverse angles. This yielded new insights into royal weddings, state funerals, ancestral rites, banquets, and royal processions, including their historical backgrounds. Furthermore, studies on music, costumes, paintings, craft items, architecture, and venues used for royal rituals and state projects have expanded our understanding of various cultural forms, symbols, and items employed in rituals and other ceremonies.

Research in the field of Korean history has evolved from initial studies focused on empirically reconstructing the procedures and performances of individual rituals to more in-depth studies aiming to explore the significance of each ritual within the context of ideological and political culture. Recent studies have successfully addressed the following questions: how detached palaces and chinyeong rituals came to play a center role in royal wedding ceremonies; what was the significance of the new practice allowing the queen and crown princess to perform rituals at the Royal Ancestral Shrine; why wedding ceremonies for princes and princesses were officially recorded; what was the significance of the books included among the king’s funerary items; why the queen’s funeral was performed in a more splendid fashion when the queen passed away before the king; why the royal relatives were divided by status and requested different degrees of propriety during the rituals at royal mausoleums and tombs; why additional pavilions were built alongside the Royal Ancestral Shrine to enshrine royal portraits; why ceremonies with rare precedents, including the great archery ceremony and the king’s farming ceremony, were restored; what was the significance of King Jeongjo’s eight-day trip to Hwaseong Fortress with his mother; and what was the significance of holding lavish banquets in the nineteenth century for the king’s mother and grandmother. All these studies have helped deepen our understanding of the culture within the Joseon royal court.

Researchers are currently exploring the political significance of each state event recorded in uigwe, treating each one as a different kind of “occurrence.” Studies on uigwe regarding publication, construction and repair works, as well as irregular and unplanned ceremonies and rituals, including the bestowal of honorary titles, royal banquets and feasts, and the king’s visits to the royal tombs, have uncovered that these events were deliberate actions aimed at achieving specific political goals, such as the strengthening of the king’s power. As these events mobilized considerable manpower and resources, they naturally served to strengthen the position of the king. However, time has come to move beyond efforts to explain the purpose of ceremonies and state projects solely in terms of reinforcing the political standing of the king, royal family, of a specific political faction. Further questions should be explored to understand why such events were performed to reinforce power and establish stronger political positions with the kind of resources employed, how this influenced Joseon society’s understanding and perception of political power, and what were the implications of recording these events. It is expected that more research will be conducted relying on the use of uigwe in addition to chronicles and other conventional materials in the future.