Preface

The main halls of Buddhist temples of the Joseon Dynasty are often crowded with numerous paintings. They typically have paintings enshrined on three walls, each of which carries its own meaning and significance. On the central wall, behind the main statues, there is usually a large painting that is meant to evoke the world of Buddha, which the main hall is meant to embody. However, no statues are placed in front of the right or left walls of the hall, and the paintings on those sides are intended to be objects of religious worship. Many scholars have categorized Joseon Buddhist paintings according to their placement in the main hall (i.e. central, left, or right wall), but there has been some disagreement about the respective meaning of the three locations and the arrangement of the paintings (Hong Yunsik 1977, 143-152; Mun Myeongdae 1986; Jeong Myounghee 2013). Previous research has demonstrated that the various methods of organizing and arranging the main hall are not the result of Buddhist doctrine, but instead likely reflect an attempt to incorporate folk religious beliefs, which often involve praying to various deities for specific earthly needs or for good fortune, rather than focusing on the afterlife. However, the differences and changes in arrangement are too broad and numerous to be explained with just a few simple principles. The role and significance of Buddhist paintings in the organization of temple space must be re-examined, particularly in the context of religious rituals.

During the Joseon Dynasty (1392-1910), one type of Buddhist painting sometimes enshrined in the main hall of Buddhist temples was a Hyeonwangdo (現王圖), depicting King Yama (閻羅大王), the fifth king of the “Ten Kings of the Underworld,” who is known as Hyeonwang in Korean. Until now, Hyeonwangdo (literally, “paintings of Hyeonwang”) have been neglected by scholars of Buddhist art, who typically have considered them to be merely a subgenre of paintings depicting the underworld. Notably, however, while other paintings of the underworld were usually enshrined in the Judgment Hall (冥府殿), Hyeonwangdo were enshrined in the main hall. This article focuses on Hyeonwangdo in order to examine how Buddhist paintings with the same theme acquired differing religious meanings, depending on where they were enshrined.

A close examination of the scroll painting Hyeonwangdo from Seongbulsa Temple (1798), now housed in the National Museum of Korea (Fig. 1), provides more details about the background, production, and function of Hyeonwangdo during the Joseon Dynasty. In March 2005, a discovery was made that significantly enriched the understanding and interpretation of this particular painting. While the painting was undergoing conservation treatment, several objects and a document entitled Hyeonwangtaeng wonmun (現王幀願文) were found installed inside the upper rod of the scroll. Through a document called Hyeonwangcheong (現王請), which is a liturgy of the formal procedures for performing the ritual for Hyeonwang, and through a ritual called “Hyeonwangjae” (現王齋, final ritual for Hyeonwang), I shall investigate how the practices of worshipping, making offerings, and praying to Hyeonwang became formalized and institutionalized. In this article, I shall also explore how Hyeonwangdo developed separately from Siwangdo (十王圖), which are paintings of the Ten Kings of the Underworld, through the process of formalization (Jeong Myounghee 2005).

Background of Hyeonwangdo

Origin of Hyeonwang and the Hyeonwang Faith

Hyeonwangdo are a special type of Buddhist paintings that were enshrined in the main hall of Buddhist temples during the Joseon Dynasty. The name “Hyeonwang” refers to King Yama (閻羅大王), the fifth king of the underworld. In Buddhism, there are Ten Kings of the Underworld—from the first king Jingwangdaewang (秦廣大王) to the tenth king Odojeollyundaewang (五道轉輪大王)—and paintings depicting all ten kings are known as “Siwangdo.” Hyeonwangdo, on the other hand, are paintings that depict only King Yama, the fifth king, typically accompanied by a group of deities and guardians in the lower part of the painting. While Siwangdo typically feature vivid scenes from hell, no such scenes appear in Hyeonwangdo. The most important difference between Siwangdo and Hyeonwangdo, however, is that the former are enshrined in the Judgment Hall, while the latter are enshrined in the main hall. Previous studies have speculated that Hyeonwangdo were produced at temples that were unable to construct a Judgment Hall, or that they were simply substitutes for Siwangdo (Hong Yunsik 1980, 58; Kim Jeonghui 1996, 172). However, in some cases, both Hyeonwangdo and Siwangdo were produced at the same temple. Furthermore, although both types of painting concern the afterlife, they clearly differ in terms of the subject matter and the site of enshrinement. Therefore, we can assume that there are also differences between the rituals and religious practices associated with the two types. These differences can be explained by examining texts on Buddhist rituals to see how the Hyeonwang faith had become differentiated by the late Joseon period.

In China, the first record of King Yama as one of the Ten Kings of the Underworld comes from Fo shuo yuxiu shiwang shengqi jing (佛說預修十王生七經, Sutra Spoken by Buddha on Rituals to Be Performed While Living, in Preparation for Judgment by the Ten Kings of Hell, hereinafter Sutra on the Ten Kings), which was translated into Chinese around the ninth century, late in the Tang Dynasty (618-907) (Kim Jeonghui 1996, 101-103). The sutra describes the ritual of chiljaeui (七齋儀), which involves making an offering to the ten kings and repenting of sins in order to be reborn in the Pure Land, or Western Paradise, after death. Importantly, in Sutra on the Ten Kings, Shakyamuni predicts that King Yama would eventually achieve enlightenment and be reborn as Hyeonwang, thus marking the origin of the name Hyeonwang. Whereas the other nine kings are thought to preside in judgment over the souls in hell, King Yama is identified with Ksitigarbha Bodhisattva, who promises to save souls that have already entered hell. Thus, people believed that they should pray to King Yama, i.e. Hyeonwang, in order to solicit mercy for deceased loved ones who they feared might be in hell.

The basic evidence associating King Yama with Ksitigarbha Bodhisattva comes from two Buddhist sutras: Dasheng daji dizang shilun jing (大乘大集地藏十輪經, The Scripture on Ksitigarbha and the Ten Wheels in the Great Mahayana Compendium, translated by Xuanzang [玄奘, c. 602-664]) and its translated version, Dafangguang shilun jing (大方廣十輪經). In 1246, during the Goryeo Dynasty (918-1392), Sutra on the Ten Kings was engraved on woodblocks for printing, and the King Yama section features an illustration of King Yama together with Ksitigarbha Bodhisattva (Fig. 2). This illustration is based on part of the sutra, the translation of which reads: “Through his strong, mysterious will to realize his vow and lead people to enlightenment, Ksitigarbha Bodhisattva manifests himself in various forms: Brahma, the Four Heavenly Kings, a beast, a guardian of hell, and King Yama.” From the time when the Ksitigarbha faith was established, King Yama has been regarded as an incarnation or embodiment of Ksitigarbha Bodhisattva, a belief that is evinced by various sutras. Notably, however, in terms of the general iconography and entourage, Hyeonwang was initially depicted in the same manner as the other kings of the underworld. The only exception is that Hyeonwang is not shown holding a mirror at the entrance of the underworld, unlike King Yama, who clearly holds a mirror when depicted as one of the Ten Kings of the Underworld. In other words, even though sutras proclaimed that King Yama was Hyeonwang, the Hyeonwang belief had not yet become differentiated from the general belief in the ten kings.

Belief in Hyeonwang led to the rise of a ritual called “yesujae” (預修齋), based on Sutra on the Ten Kings, which was one of the representative Buddhist rituals during the Joseon Dynasty. A description of the formalities and procedures of yesujae was published in Yesu siwang saengchiljaeui channyo (預修十王生七齋儀簒要, Book of Formalities of Rituals to Be Performed While Living, in Preparation for Judgment by the Ten Kings of Hell, hereinafter, Book of Yesujae Formalities). The general belief was that, by conducting the yesujae ritual, a living person could begin to fulfill his or her obligations for the afterlife. The fifth section of Book of Yesujae Formalities offers more details about King Yama, stating that King Yama will eventually become Hyeonwang and will achieve Buddha’s limitless virtue and sanctity. The section goes on to describe the land over which Hyeonwang will rule, as well as Hyeonwang’s excellence and superiority among the Ten Kings of the Underworld (Fig. 3) (Bak Semin 1993, 2-106).

Despite the strong emphasis on Hyeonwang in Book of Yesujae Formalities, however, the belief in King Yama/Hyeonwang had not yet differentiated itself from the overall belief in the Ten Kings of the Underworld. Therefore, with no worship dedicated solely and specifically to Hyeonwang, there was not yet any demand for Hyeonwangdo. The production of Hyeonwangdo presupposes King Yama’s status as an independent figure of worship, apart from the other nine kings. But when did this differentiation happen? Was there any doctrinal basis behind it? The answers to these questions cannot be found in the orthodox sutras regarding the underworld, but they can be explicated by considering a JoseonDynasty publication entitled Hyeonwangcheong (現王請), which was a liturgy of the formal procedures for performing the ritual for Hyeonwang. The ritual for Hyeonwang underwent changes over many centuries, eventually sparking the demand for a new type of painting and transforming the arrangement of space in Korean Buddhist temples.

Hyeonwangcheong and the Production of Hyeonwangdo

During the late Joseon period, Buddhist rituals of prayer and offering before sacred images, including Buddhas and bodhisattvas, were codified into the cheongmun (請文) ritual. Literally meaning “written request,” cheongmun invites a particular deity to appear, after which offerings are made to that deity. Hyeonwangcheong is a document that describes how to perform the cheongmun ritual for Hyeonwang. Furthermore, the document itself was used in a ritual at the altar for Hyeonwang that was located inside Daeungjeon Hall. Hyeonwangcheong focuses explicitly on Hyeonwang (along with a few other deities that aid Hyeonwang), so it is reasonable to assume that it provided the basis for the practice of Hyeonwangdo. The earliest known record of the publication of Hyeonwangcheong dates to 1574, in Gwongong jebanmun (勸供諸般文, Compilation of Buddhist Rituals, Fig. 4).

Buddhists believe that after death, a person’s soul goes through ten successive judgments to determine the status of rebirth in our next life. Traditionally, the first judgment is by the first king, Jingwangdaewang (秦廣大王), and it takes place on the seventh day after death; the final judgment is by Odojeollyundaewang (五道轉輪大王) and occurs on the third anniversary after death (Jeong Gak 2000, 317). However, Hyeonwangcheong introduces another ritual, called Hyeonwangjae, to be performed on the third day after death. Thus, the Hyeonwangjae ritual offered a way to pray for the liberation of the deceased’ s soul after only three days, rather than after three years. Such a ritual occurring on the third day after death is otherwise unknown in the Buddhist canon.

Hyeonwangcheong begins by explaining the purpose of the ritual for Hyeonwang, before describing how to invite the deities to be present for the ritual and make the offerings. According to the text, on the third day after a person has died, the loved ones of the deceased should perform the ritual of Hyeonwangjae, in order to pray for the liberation of the soul of the deceased and for rebirth in the Pure Land, through offerings and dedication to Buddhism (Bak Semin, 1993, 1:663-664). Unchanged over the years, the ritual described in Hyeonwangcheong is still practiced today.

According to Hyeonwangcheong, the ritual should not be dedicated to King Yama, the fifth judge of souls in the afterlife, but rather to Hyeonwang, King Yama’s enlightened form, who is believed to guide the soul of the deceased into the underworld. The procedure described in Hyeonwangcheong was later refined in Gwongong jebanmun (1574) and Jebanmun (1624), and eventually finalized as Hyeonwangjae uimun (現王齋儀文, liturgy for Hyeonwangjae) (Fig. 5), in the 1719 edition of Jebanmun published by Haeinsa Temple. Interestingly, some of the ritual books refer to Hyeonwang as “Seongwang” (聖王). Despite this discrepancy, all of the descriptions are basically the same, with some minor variance among the details of the procedures and the invited deities of Hyeonwangjae.

According to Gwongong jebanmun (1574), on the third day after a person dies, Hyeonwangjae should be performed to petition Hyeonwang to save the soul of the deceased. The 1694 edition of Jebanmun made by Geumsansa Temple states that Hyeonwangjae should be performed on the third day after death in order to save the soul of the deceased from getting lost in the darkness of the underworld, so that they may eventually be led to the Pure Land. This may explain why there are no scenes of hell featured in Hyeonwangdo (Bak Semin 1993, 2-680 and 681).

According to the text, the first deities to be invited are Hyeonwang in the center, along with Indra and Brahma. The next two deities to be invited are Daeryunseongwang (大輪聖王) and Jeollyunseongwang (轉輪聖王). These two kings are not mentioned in Sutra on the Ten Kings, but they regularly appear in the descriptions of Hyeonwangcheong. They also appear in various other books of Buddhist rituals, including Yojimmun (要集文), Yojip (要集), and Cheongmunnyojip (請文要集). As such, Daeryunseongwang and Jeollyunseongwang were gradually defined as Hyeonwang’s left and right attendant bodhisattvas, respectively (Fig. 1a). Hyeonwangdo from the late eighteenth century clearly differentiate Daeryunseongwang and Jeollyunseongwang in order to emphasize the composition of the triad.

After Daeryunseongwang and Jeollyunseongwang, a judge and a clerk are to be summoned, in order to record the good and evil deeds from the underworld. In some of the descriptions of the ritual, two messengers of death named Gamjaesaja (監齋使者) and Jikbusaja (直符使者) are also summoned. These secondary figures (i.e., clerk, judge, messengers of death) also appeared in Siwangdo, but they were gradually omitted from Hyeonwangdo. However, the composition of the triad, with Hyeonwang and his two attendant bodhisattvas, was maintained and can be seen in various types of Hyeonwangdo.

According to the books of Buddhist rituals, performance of Hyeonwangjae on the third day could exempt the deceased from the ten judgments that occur over three years, as well as from punishments for deeds in a former life. In other words, Hyeon wangjae was performed with the explicit purpose of allowing the deceased to be reborn in the Pure Land. This capacity for prompt salvation differentiated Hyeonwangjae from the belief in the ten kings, and likely explains why it became popularized as an independent ritual. The records show that the ritual eventually came to be performed in the main hall of a Buddhist temple. The area for performing the ritual included an altar for Hyeonwang, with Hyeonwangdo hung over the altar. Thus, Hyeonwangdo serve a unique function among Buddhist paintings, and such function required a space outside of the Judgment Hall.

Hyeonwangdo from Seongbulsa Temple

Objects and Hyeonwangtaeng wonmun from Hyeonwangdo from Seongbulsa Temple

One of the most important extant Hyeonwangdo is Hyeonwangdo from Seongbulsa Temple, now in the collection of the National Museum of Korea. Measuring 103.7 cm in height and 85.7 cm in width (Fig. 1), it comprises three pieces of silk that have been joined together (width 27.5 cm, 33.0 cm, and 24.5 cm, respectively). The painting is not mounted, and the areas above and below the formal composition are painted turquoise. A red rectangular area at the bottom of the painting (Fig. 1b) bears an inscription that indicates that the painting was made in the twelfth month of 1798 at Buljiam Hermitage at Mt. Baegun, and then enshrined in Daeungjeon Hall of the “main temple.” The inscription does not name this “main temple,” but a later discovery (described below) revealed that it was Seongbulsa Temple. The inscription also gives the names of two patrons who were responsible for the production of the painting, Beomcheol (軓哲) and Choui (楚儀). Beomcheol is recorded as “Former Seungtong” (僧統, monk superintendent), and Choui as “Tongjeong” (通政, honorary title). Finally, the inscription reveals that the monks who produced the painting—Bohun (普訓) and Yeonggyeom (暎鎌)—were categorized as geumeo (金魚, lead monk painter) and dopyeonsu (都片手, assistant monk painter) respectively. In addition, Monks Daro (達悟) and Deongmin (德敏) assisted in the creation of the painting.

During the process of restoring the painting, four quadrilateral holes were found in the scroll’s upper rod, leading to inner cavities. Inside these cavities were various objects, along with another written description of how the painting was produced. The objects included grains, seeds, metal, glass pieces, colored thread, and a Sanskrit dharani, written in red (Fig. 1c). The objects were wrapped in colored paper, and written on the paper were the Chinese characters for the five directions—east (東), west (西), south (南), north (北) and center (中) (Fig. 1d).

Buddhist paintings and sculptures often had various objects enshrined within them. The procedure and details for enshrining Buddhist artifacts can be found in the Josanggyeong Sutra, which describes how to make the objects, how to install them, and how to perform the associated rituals. According to the sutra, a cylindrical container should be used to install objects inside a sculpture, while a quadrilateral container should be used for a painting (Josanggyeong Sutra 2006, 190-191).1 The sutra states that the objects to be installed include five jewels (五寶), five grains (五穀), five scents (五香), and five medicines (五藥). For a sculpture, these objects would be placed in a cylindrical container and then inserted into the statue, usually through a hole in the bottom or back. For a painting, the quadrilateral container was usually hung over the front or back of the painting. The containers were often lost in transport, so few such quadrilateral containers for installing objects in Buddhist paintings survive today (Fig. 6).

Notably, no quadrilateral containers were used to install the objects in the shaft of Hyeonwangdo from Seongbulsa Temple; instead, quadrilateral cavities were carved into the roller, and the objects were installed inside those openings. Thus far, this is the only known instance of such an installation. Thus, in addition to being an important example of the tradition of Hyeonwangdo, this painting is also an invaluable artifact for studying the installation of objects inside Buddhist paintings. The installation is also unusual because it lacks several of the objects that are listed in the Josanggyeong Sutra. The omitted items include various paintings of Sanskrit letters, such as Oryunjongjado (五輪種子圖), Jinsimjongjado (眞心種子圖), and Junjegujado (准提九字圖) (Fig. 7). In addition, the installation included simplified versions of the flag (幡), cover (蓋), and vajra (杵), each made from colored thread.

Along with the objects, the shaft also contained a short document entitled Hyeonwangtaeng wonmun (現王幀願文), which tells how the painting was made and where it was enshrined (Fig. 1e):

This document provides concrete information about the date and location of the painting, as well as important details about the duration of the project, the process of raising funds, and the sponsors. It clearly states that “skilled artisans” were requested, indicating that Monks Bohun and Yeonggyeom were trained painters from other temples. Interestingly, the document does not mention Daro and Deongmin, the two assistants who are mentioned in the inscription on the painting. They likely were monks from Seongbulsa Temple who assisted the two primary artists. The description also notes that both Beomcheol (the primary patron) and Geugwon (the general supervisor) were former Seungtong, while Jonghan (who offered food to Buddha) was a former Juji (住持, abbot). Based on this, the production of the painting was led by former Jongsa (宗師, eminent monk). Finally, the text includes a short prayer expressing the hope that the good deed of producing the Hyeonwangdo might enable the participants’ deceased parents to be reborn in the Pure Land. This wish illustrates how Hyeonwangdo were received among Buddhists at the time.

Composition and Characteristics of Hyeonwangdo from Seongbulsa Temple

In the painting, Hyeonwang is seated in the center, facing to the right, with a folding screen behind him (Fig. 1). Surrounded by his retainers, he is depicted larger and more prominently than the others. He wears a red outer robe over a blue inner robe, as well as a wonyugwan (遠遊冠), the traditional royal crown worn by Joseon kings on special occasions, over an inner headpiece of woven horsehair. Balanced atop the crown is a book of scriptures that has been tied into place to prevent it from falling. The depiction of Hyeonwang (Fig. 1f) resembles that of King Yama from Siwangdo. On the upper left side is a celestial child holding a silk fan and a maiden holding a rectangular fan. The other figures include a messenger of death holding a sword and various retainers holding a document, a scroll, a tablet, and a gold case for a seal. The judge, the clerk, and the child are known figures of the underworld, and their depiction resembles that seen in Siwangdo. However, in Siwangdo, these figures are typically shown in their proper roles of assisting in the judgment of the dead; in this Hyeonwangdo, however, they are arranged so as to direct the viewers’ gaze back to the central figure of Hyeonwang.

One notable figure is the celestial maiden at the upper right, who is actually given more emphasis than Daeryunseongwang and Jeollyunseongwang. She holds a tray on which appears a blue animal with a red jewel atop its head. This strange creature has the face of a fish, but also a tortoiseshell pattern of hexagons on its back (Fig. 1g). Such features are reminiscent of a creature called a bangyu (蚌魚), listed in the “Birds and Beasts” section of Sancai Tuhui (三才圖會, Collected Illustrations of the Three Realms, Fig. 8). Even so, the red jewel on the animal’s head suggests that it might in fact be a Makara (Sanskrit, 摩竭魚 in Chinese), a mythical creature that is often thought to have a cintamani, or Buddhist jewel, on its head. According to Hindu folklore, Makara are marine animals that combine aspects of fish, dolphin, crocodile, and elephant (Mochizuki Shinko 1954; Kim Lena 2001, 24-25; Han Jaewon 2006, 197-236). In Hindu art, Makara often appear as vehicles for Varuna (god of water and the oceans) and Ganga (river goddess). In addition, in the mural of Mogao Cave 158 in Dunhuang, Gansu province, China, a Heavenly Deity listening to Buddha’s teaching wears a hat shaped like a Makara. A similar Makara-shaped hat can be seen in the relief representing a Heavenly Deity carved into pagoda from the Unified Silla Period (668-935). According to an early Buddhist text entitled the Ekottara Agama, a person who falls in front of King Yama cannot be saved from hell, just as a “person caught in the mouth of a Makara cannot be saved.” This sentence equates falling into hell with being devoured by a Makara, which may explain why a Makara became a motif in Hyeonwangdo. Furthermore, the Makara is shown in a relatively submissive position, reinforcing the great power of Hyeonwang (Kim Wolun 1995, 342-346).

Today, there about 100 extant Hyeonwangdo, including those from Girimsa Temple (1718), Seonamsa Temple (1730), Samjangsa Temple (1739 or 1799), Sudasa Temple (1781), and Baekheungam, Eunhaesa Temple (1782) (Kim Yunhui 2011, 105-109). In the late eighteenth century, there seem to have been several styles of Hyeonwangdo. In particular, Hyeonwangdo from Tongdosa Temple (1775, Fig. 9) shares many key iconographic similarities with the one from Seongbulsa Temple. Hyeonwangdo from Tongdosa Temple is wider, but features the same composition, with Hyeonwang seated in the center with a folding screen behind him and retainers all around. These similarities are especially notable given the spatial and temporal separation between Hyeonwangdo from Tongdosa Temple (1775, Gyeongsang Province) and Hyeonwangdo from Seongbulsa Temple (1798, Hamgyeong Province). They show some differences in terms of design, pigment, and outlines, and the composition of the Seongbulsa painting is more simplified than that from Tongdosa. Despite these differences, they may have been produced from originals that were visually similar.

Notably, in Hyeonwangdo from Seongbulsa Temple, the judge and clerk are wearing headscarves, a motif borrowed from Taoist art. This style of depiction of Taoist figures was prevalent in the Buddhist art of the late Joseon period, as seen in books of prints, such as Xianfo qizong (仙佛奇蹤, Marvelous Traces of Transcendents and Buddhas) and Samjangbosaldo (三藏菩薩圖, Painting of Bodhisattva of the Tripiṭaka Teaching).

The iconography and composition of Hyeonwangdo from Seongbulsa Temple were still being employed in the late nineteenth century, as demonstrated by the Hyeonwangdo from Yonghwasa Temple (Fig. 10) in Tongyeong (1875). The basic elements of the composition are remarkably similar, although differences can be seen. For example, Hyeonwang wears a gilt bronze crown, rather than a wonyugwan. In addition, the celestial maiden is now a celestial child, and the Makara has been replaced by an animal resembling a toad (Fig. 10a). A toad also appears in an earlier Hyeonwangdo (1750), now housed at Dongguk University Museum (Figs. 11 and 11a). In Taoism, toads are typically associated with a Taoist master named Liu Haichan (劉海蟾); “haichan” refers to a toad that lives in the ocean. For instance, Sancai Tuhui includes an illustration of Liu Haichan next to a three-legged toad (Cho Insoo 2000, 127-148). Thus, the Hyeonwangdo exhibit different appropriations of both the Makara, a Hindu symbol associated with water deities, and the toad, a symbol from Taoism. As yet, the precise reasons and meaning for the shifting use of the Makara and toad are not clear, but it demonstrates how unfamiliar motifs were adopted and simplified during the Joseon Dynasty.

After Hyeonwangdo from Seongbulsa Temple, more Hyeonwangdo began following the composition of Siwangdo. Although some Hyeonwangdo, such as the one now in the collection of the Horim Museum in Seoul (1854), maintained the original composition with the retainers arrayed around Hyeonwang, the more popular style appropriated the composition of Siwangdo but without the scenes of hell. Originally, unlike the Siwang (Ten Kings of the Underworld), who judged the souls of the deceased, Hyeonwang was believed to guide souls to the Pure Land. However, Hyeonwangdo from Gimnyongsa Temple (1803) (Fig. 12) and Hyeonwangdo from Silleuksa Temple (1809) show Hyeonwang holding a sword, which typically symbolizes a judge of hell. This new representation of Hyeonwang as the judge of hell indicates that the originality and independent meaning of the Hyeonwang belief had gradually weakened. Seongmun uibeom (釋門儀範, Guidebook for Buddhist Rituals), published in 1935, shows that a ritual for Hyeonwang had been formalized as one of the ritual procedures in Daeungjeon Hall, but apparently the unique iconography of Hyeonwangdo was not strong enough to endure. As a result, Hyeonwangdo were eventually re-incorporated into the other Buddhist paintings of the underworld.

Reconstruction of Seongbulsa Temple

In the course of my research, I discovered that historical records sometimes referred to Seongbulsa Temple as “Yongheungsa Temple.” Once thought to be separate temples, Seongbulsa Temple and Yongheungsa Temple are, in fact, different names for the same temple. This realization emerged from my study on Painting of Indra and Guardian Deities from Yongheungsa Temple (龍興寺帝釋神衆圖, 1798, Fig. 13), in Hamheung, Hamgyeong Province. I eventually learned that this painting was enshrined in the same hall as Hyeonwangdo from Seongbulsa Temple, which indicated that the two temples were in fact one and the same (National Museum of Korea 2000, 184-185). The confusion can be traced back to the “Taegosa Temple Law” (太古寺寺法), which was enforced in April 1941 by the Japanese Government-General of Korea, which attempted to unify the naming system of Korean temples. According to the Taegosa Temple Law, the temple was to be referred to as “Yongheungsa Temple,” even though it was commonly called Seongbulsa Temple in earlier historical records.

Several books about artifacts that are now located in North Korea referred to Seongbulsa Temple as “Yongheungsa Temple,” in accordance with the adopted system. However, other sources, including Map of Hamheung (咸興府地圖, 1872), confirm that this temple was known as Seongbulsa Temple until the nineteenth century (National Research Institute of Cultural Heritage 1997, 242-251; Jogye Order of Korean Buddhism 2006, 208). In addition, the “Buddhist Temples” (佛宇) section from Records of Hamgyeong Province (咸鏡道邑誌, Fig. 14), also produced in 1872, states that Seongbulsa and Buljiam were located on Mt. Baegun, confirming that the name “Seongbulsa” was still being used in the nineteenth century.

This confusion may be linked to the fact that Seongbulsa Temple was rebuilt several times over the centuries. These reconstructions are documented in an 1852 text entitled “Record of Multiple Reconstructions of Seongbulsa Temple at Mt. Baegun” (白雲山成佛寺還建舊基序, hereinafter, “Record of Reconstruction”), which can be found in Volume 2 of Historical Records of Temples in Korea (朝鮮寺刹史料), published by the Japanese Government-General of Korea in 1911. According to “Record of Reconstruction,” Seongbulsa Temple originated from a temple called Buljiam, which was designated as the temple of King Taejo (r. 1392-1398) before he ascended the throne. The record states that the temple was damaged by a major fire in 1578; it was relocated to the northwest of the original site and then rebuilt, but not until 1626. Then in 1792, the temple was destroyed by another fire, and was relocated and rebuilt a second time, about four kilometers below the fortress.

Hyeonwangdo from Seongbulsa Temple was produced in 1798, while the temple was being relocated and rebuilt for the second time. Notably, Hyeonwangtaeng wonmun (the document installed in the painting) states that the production took place in Buljiam Hermitage, rather than in the main temple, likely because the main temple was still under construction. The gilded statue was not completed until six years after the 1792 fire. On the other hand, the two paintings of Hyeonwangdo from Seongbulsa Temple and Painting of Indra and Guardian Deities from Yongheungsa Temple were completed relatively quickly. According to the document installed in the rod of the scroll, the plan for producing the painting came about in September, when the gilding for the statue was finished, and the painting was finished in December. Thus, the entire process—including planning, raising funds, identifying artists, and creating the painting—took only about three months. As such, the combination of Hyeonwangtaeng wonmun and “Record of Reconstruction” enable us to create a timeline for the painting’s production, and moreover, to place those events into the historical context of Seongbulsa Temple. The rich details provided by these records were not conveyed by the inscription on the bottom of the painting. In particular, we owe a debt to the monks who collaborated to create the Hyeonwangdo from Seongbulsa Temple, for deciding to commemorate their creation by installing Hyeonwangtaeng wonmun inside the rod of the scroll. Thanks to them, we now know important details about the production of this painting in the late eighteenth century, as well as about the history of Seongbulsa Temple.

Conclusion

Buddhist paintings often served a ritual function, and thus reflect the religious practices of the time. In this context, I have examined the function and role of Hyeonwangdo from the late Joseon period, particularly their use in ritual and their enshrinement in Daeungjeon Hall. The fact that Hyeonwangdo were produced and enshrined independently from Siwangdo indicates the emergence of a new ritual that could not be performed with existing paintings. Details of the systemization and organization of this ritual were drawn from Hyeonwangcheong. According to Sutra on the Ten Kings, Shakyamuni predicted that King Yama would be reborn as Hyeonwang, and this prediction is reflected in the yesujae ritual of the late Joseon period. Notably, however, Book of Yesujae Formalities, which documents the origin of the yesujae ritual, simply refers to King Yama as one of the Ten Kings of the Underworld, and does not grant him any elevated status.

The first record of an independent cult of King Yama, or Hyeonwang, comes from Hyeonwangcheong in Gwongong jebanmun, a liturgy of the ritual for Hyeonwang, published in 1574. Hyeonwangcheong was also published in Jebanmun (1624), Jakbeopgwigam (1827), Yojimmun (eighteenth century), Cheongmunnyojip (various versions from sixteenth through the eighteenth centuries), and Seongmun uibeom (1931). According to Hyeonwangcheong, Hyeonwang was believed to be able to save the soul of a deceased person on the third day after the person’s death, enabling the soul to be reborn in the Pure Land. Hyeonwang was accompanied by the attendant bodhisattvas Daeryunseongwang and Jeollyunseongwang, on the left and right respectively. The practice of producing Hyeonwangdo and enshrining them in the main hall of a temple became popular during the late Joseon period, reflecting the contemporaneous belief in Hyeonwang’s capacity for prompt salvation.

This article examines the Hyeonwang faith and the production of Hyeonwangdo from various perspectives, focusing on Hyeonwangdo from Seongbulsa Temple. While the painting was being conserved, a small group of objects was discovered to have been installed in quadrilateral cavities carved into the upper rod of the scroll. These objects included a document entitled Hyeonwangtaeng wonmun, which revealed that the painting was originally enshrined in Seongbulsa Temple in Hamheung, Hamgyeong Province. According to Josanggyeong Sutra, which describes the proper procedure for installing objects within Buddhist artifacts, a quadrilateral container should be used to install objects in a painting. However, in the case of Hyeonwangdo from Seongbulsa Temple, quadrilateral cavities were carved into the rod instead, which is a type of installation not previously seen in other Buddhist painting. In addition, documentation on the reconstruction of Seongbulsa Temple found in “Record of Reconstruction” provides evidence that this painting was produced during a period of reconstruction, after the temple was badly damaged by a fire in 1792.

Hyeonwangdo from Seongbulsa Temple features several interesting iconographic discrepancies from other Hyeonwangdo. For example, the attendants Daeryunseongwang and Jeollyunseongwang are not differentiated from Hyeonwang’s other retainers. In addition, a celestial maiden is shown holding an unusual blue creature with a red jewel on its head. The animal seems to be reminiscent of both Bangyu (蚌魚), as described in Sancai Tuhui, and Makara, a mythological creature from Hinduism. In the later Hyeonwangdo from Yongheungsa Temple (1875), this creature is depicted as a toad, often associated with the Taoist master Liu Haichan. This change seems to reflect the simplification and appropriation of unfamiliar motifs that occurred over time. After Hyeonwangdo from Seongbulsa Temple, Hyeonwangdo began to take on some of the characteristics of Siwangdo by featuring depictions of scenes of hell, or by representing Hyeonwang as a judge of hell, like the ten kings. Hyeonwangcheong established the ritual for Hyeonwang, which was conducted in Daeungjeon Hall in front of the altar for Hyeonwang. Over time, however, the originality and independent meaning of the Hyeonwang faith weakened, and Hyeonwangdo were eventually subsumed back into the overall genre of Buddhist paintings of the underworld.