The Journal of Korean Art and Archaeology

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Journal of Korean Art and Archaeology Vol. 4
The Patrons of Goryeo Buddhist Painting

Kim Junghee

Professor, Wonkwang University

Journal of Korean Art & Archaeology 2010, Vol.4 pp.30-61

DOI : https://doi.org/10.23158/jkaa.2010.v4_03

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ⓒ 2010 National Museum of Korea This is an Open Access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0(https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/) which permits use, distribution and reproduction in any medium, provided that the article is properly cited, the use is non-commercial and no modifications or adaptations are made.

Abstract

Throughout the Goryeo period, when Buddhism was the official state religion, both the royal house and aristocrats frequently sponsored colossal projects for constructing lavish temples. Officials, both civil and military, local administrators and monks were also active patrons of Buddhist architecture and art, even if on a more modest scale. Currently, some 160 Buddhist paintings dated to the Goryeo period have survived. Thirty of these paintings carry dated inscriptions, and the patron is known for twenty-three of them. All of them were produced during the period when the Goryeo king and ruling class deferred to the Yuan. The paintings were commissioned by people of various classes and walks of life, from the royal house and influential military leaders to Buddhist monks, groups of faithful and individuals; they were intended to pray for the prosperity of the country and the welfare of its people, an end to a war, or as vehicles of more personal prayers for longevity and rebirth in paradise. This paper divides the patrons of Goryeo Buddhist paintings into four large categories: the royal house and government officials (civil and military officials and palace staff), monks, Buddhist groups and individuals. Concubine Sukbi, who commissioned the creation of Water-Moon Avalokiteshvara in 1310, for example, is among the best known of royal patrons of Buddhist paintings. Among government officials, Yeom Seung-ik, a member of the close entourage of King Chungnyeol (r. 1275-1308), the eunuch Seo Ji-man, Yi Yo-seom, a senior military official, and a certain Gwon Bok-su, who was actually either Gwon Dan (1228-1311) or Gwon Bu (1262-1346), stand out for their patronage activities. Among monk patrons, those who held the highest clerical positions include, daeseonsa (name unknown) and seungtong Johyeong (the head abbot of Jeongeopwon), both of whom commissioned Illustration of Amitayur-dyana Sutra in 1323. Hyeoncheol, who commissioned Illustration of the Sutra on the Descent of Maitreya in 1350 and the abbot of Anyangsa, the patron of the Amitabha with Eight Great Bodhisattvas in 1320 are also worth a mention. Goryeo Buddhist paintings, brilliantly-colored and using profuse amounts of gold powder, with meticulously depicted details, are generally believed to have been works commissioned by the royal house or aristocrats. This, however, was not always the case. Buddhist paintings were sometimes commissioned by individuals or small groups of devotees known as hyangdo. Examples of paintings sponsored by groups include the Rinsho-ji Illustration of Visualization Sutra (1323), the Hōon-ji Amitabha Triad (1330), and the Shinnō-in Illustration of the Sutra on the Descent of Maitreya (1350). Another Amitabha Triad (in Uesugi Jinja), dated to 1309, was, meanwhile, created under the patronage of a certain Seo family (Suhodang). This family is believed to be of the Seo clan of Icheon, a noble lineage whose most famous scion was Seo Hui (942-998), a scholar-official and diplomat of early Goryeo. The examination of literature providing circumstantial information on Goryeo Buddhist paintings revealed that people of various social classes participated in their patronage, ranging from the royal house, government officials (civil and military officials, palace staff) to monks, groups and individuals. This may be a result of the belief that constructing a temple, erecting a pagoda, hand-copying a Buddhist scripture or worshipping a Buddha statue contribute to ensuring good fortunes for oneself and one’s family. The trend toward seeking rewards in this world by transcribing sutras or commissioning Buddhist statues or paintings is, therefore, likely to explain the widespread patronage activities for Buddhist paintings in this period. Patrons of Buddhist paintings also included a new type of politically influential families known as gwonmunsejok (權門勢族) or gwonmunsega (權門勢家) which emerged in late Goryeo, replacing traditional old families that made up the ruling class in early Goryeo. The most active patrons of Buddhist paintings from this period, remain members of the Yeom clan of Seowon, best known for Yeom Seung-ik, and the Kim clan of Eonyang whose most famous member is Concubine Sukbi. The fact that Buddhist paintings were commissioned by people of widely-varying walks of classes from the royal house to ordinary individuals and religious groups, meanwhile, attests to a deep and far-reaching penetration of Buddhism in Goryeo society.

I INTRODUCTION

As Buddhism was the ruling ideology of the Goryeo dynasty, from the beginning to the end of the era the royal family and aristocracy carried out various large, extravagant Buddhist projects including the construction of temples and shrines, and production of various Buddhist art works including paintings.1 The production of Buddhist paintings thrived in particular, the works being enshrined in temples and shrines all over the country and the prayer shrines of the aristocracy, or used at Buddhist assemblies and ceremonies, or to pray for the repose of the souls of the dead. However, only 160 Goryeo Buddhist paintings remain extant today. Thirty of them carry an inscription or record of some kind, but only twenty-three reveal any information about the patron, donor or artist.

These records were first made known by Kumagai Nobuo in a paper titled “Chōsen butsugachō (Revision of Korean Buddhist Paintings)," which introduces 19 paintings with inscriptions. This number includes Chinese works such as Amitabha in the Pure Land (1183, Chion-in, Kyoto) and Japanese works such as the painting of Master Xiang Xiang (1184, Tōdai-ji, Nara); illustrations from hand-copied sutras and woodblock print sutras such as Testament of the Priest Naong (1327) at Yujeomsa Temple, the Lotus Sutra commissioned by Lady Yi from Yeonan (1350), Illustration of the Lotus Sutra Pagoda (1369, Tō-ji), Illustration of the Lotus Sutra (1388, Magoksa Temple), and the mural at Buseoksa Temple (1377); and works from the late Joseon dynasty mistaken for Goryeo paintings such as the Amitabha Triad (Ogura collection, now in the Tokyo National Museum). Thus Kumagai's article really includes only eleven inscribed Goryeo Buddhist paintings.2 Later, Yoshida Hiroshi, in a paper “Kōrai butsuga no kinen sakuhin (Dated Goryeo Buddhist Paintings)” introduced twenty-one Goryeo Buddhist paintings with inscriptions.3 In a book titled Goryeo sidae ui bulhwa (The Buddhist Paintings of Goryeo dynasty), published in 1996, added three more to the list — Water-Moon Avalokiteshvara (1310; Kagami Jinja, Karatsu, Saga Prefecture), Illustration of the Visualization Sutra (1323; Rinshō-ji, Toyota), and Ten Kings of Hell (1320; Chion-in, Kyoto) — to bring the total to twenty-four.4 Aside from these, if paintings carrying inscriptions but with no clear indication of the date are included, the number reaches thirty.

These paintings with inscriptions not only refer to a specific date but also provide information on the patron or donor and the name of the artist, and are thus very helpful in understanding the context in which Goryeo Buddhist paintings were produced. The diversity of the patrons and donors indicated is closely related to the nature of Goryeo society and Buddhism at the time, and thus these records are important for the understanding of Goryeo Buddhist painting. This paper will first examine the nature of the patrons and donors indicated on Goryeo Buddhist painting records, and through them examine the distinguishing characteristics of Goryeo Buddhist painting and religious trends of the period.5

II PATRONS AND DONORS OF GORYEO BUDDHIST PAINTING

There are twenty-three paintings for which the name or names of the patron or donor are known (Table 1). All of them date to the period of Yuan control of Goryeo, from the reign of King Gojong (r. 1213-1259) to that of King Chungjeong (r. 1349-1351). It is notable that the people who commissioned or donated paintings to temples, ranged from royalty, military officials and others at the center of power, monks, Buddhist communities (known as hyangdo), and individuals. Most Buddhist paintings were produced to pray for the peace and prosperity of the nation and the welfare of the people, the prevention of calamities, or for longevity and rebirth in Paradise, and were generally commissioned by individuals or a group of people.

Title Record on Painting Collection
1 Five Hundred Arhats (1235, 23rd Arhat) 國土[大][平] 聖壽[天][長] 令壽[萬][年]之願有□□ 正 羅□ 乙未十□ 棟梁[隊][正] 金[義][仁] Tokyo National Museum
2 (1235, 92nd Arhat) 國土[大][平] 聖壽[天][長] 令壽[萬][年]之願司宰□□ 敞□ 乙未□□ 棟梁[隊][正] 金[義][仁] National Museum of Korea
3 (1235, 125th Arhat) 國土[大][平] 聖壽[天][長] 太子千□ 令[壽][萬][年] 之 願 將軍□ 垈下 高光 乙未□ 棟[梁][隊][正] 金[義][仁] National Museum of Korea
4 (1235, 234th Arhat) 國土大平 聖壽天長 令壽萬年 之願 洪茂下隊 李乙未七月[日] 棟梁隊[正] 金義仁 The Museum Yamato Bunkakan, Nara
5 (1235, 329th Arhat) 伏惟 隣兵速[滅] 中外含□ 聖壽等[南]□ 令壽齊北□ 已身 延壽[命] 室內得椿齡 之願 都兵馬錄事李堯贍 乙未十月日棟[梁] 隊正金義仁 Ilamgwan, Korea
6 (1236, 145th Arhat) 國土[大][平] 聖壽[天][長] 太子[千][載] 令壽[萬][年] 之願 君卿□ 將全□ 丙申 棟梁[隊][正] 金義[仁] National Museum of Korea
7 (1236, 170th Arhat) 國土[大][平] 聖壽[天][長] 令壽[萬][年] 之願 校尉□ 丙申□ 棟梁[隊][正] 金[義][仁] National Museum of Korea
8 (1236, 427th Arhat) 國土大[平] 聖壽天[長] 太子千[載] 令壽[萬][年]之願 金□ 智□ 丙申十月 棟梁隊[正] 金義仁 National Museum of Korea
9 (1235-1236, 464th Arhat) 國土[大][平] 聖壽[天][長] 令壽[萬][年] 之願□ 鄭□□ 棟□ 金[義][仁] Cleveland Museum of Art, Ohio, U
10 Amitabha Buddha (1286) (Facing right) 特爲國王宮主福壽無彊 願我臨欲命終時 盡除一切諸障碍 兼及己身不逢難 面見彼佛阿彌陀 卽得往生安樂刹 奉翊大夫左常侍廉□ (Facing left) 至元二十三年丙戌五月日 禪師 自回 筆 Former Shimazu Collection
11 Illustration of the Sutra on the Descent of Maitreya (1294) 龍華會圖 施主比丘 慈船 同願比丘 希忍 畫文翰待詔李晟 至元三十一年 甲午 Myōman-ji, Kyoto
12 Amitabha Buddha (1306) (Facing right) 伏爲 皇帝萬年 三殿行李速還本國之願新畫成彌陀一幀/(Facing left) 施主權 福壽 法界生生兼及已身超生安養 同願道人戒文同願 朴孝眞 大德十年 Nezu Museum, Tokyo
13 Amitabha with Eight Great Bodhisattvas (1307) 大曆十一年丁未八月日 謹畫魯英 同願□得□ (Left side on the back) 同願 □惠朴益松 全亘申良成幹 / (Three spots on the back) 太祖 魯英 National Museum of Korea
14 Amitabha Triad (1309) (Amitabha) 壽壺堂徐子冬子[冬]維申季良 以家財命工綵繪 西方四聖寶像 永鎭家庭供養所[冀] 現存獲福 過往超生 法界有情 同霑利樂者 時至大己酉 冬佛誕日 焚香謹書/ (Avalokiteshvara, Mahasthamaprapta) 壽壺堂徐氏供養 Uesugi Jinja, Yamagata
15 Water-Moon Avalokiteshvara (1310) 畫成至大三年五月日 願主王叔妃畫師內班從事金祐文翰畫直待詔李桂同林 順同宋連色員外中郞崔昇等四人 Kagami Jinja, Saga
16 Amitabha with Eight Great Bodhisattvas (1320) 延祐七年五月日安養寺主持大師□ 山人雲友 Matsuo-dera, Nara
17 Kshitigarbha with the Ten Kings of Hell (1320) 延祐七年正月日畫 □□□保□兼 繕工寺丞金□ 完山郡夫人李□ Chion-in, Kyoto
18 Illustration of the Visualization Sutra (1323) 龍朔□治三年癸亥四月 日 同願內侍徐 智滿畫 幹善道人 心幻 同願道人 智鐸 同願林 性圓 同願李氏 洛山下人 僧英訓 尼僧某伊 古火三伊男 祿 豆女 善財女 福莊女 山柱女 故明伊女 古火伊女 秀英伊女 楊州接 延達 伊男 仇之伊女 今昔寶女 無將伊男 中道接 戶長朴永堅 鄭奇 僧石 前 縛 猊伊女 加左只伊女 五味伊女 防守男 燕芝女 十方施主楊州女香徒等 Rinshō-ji, Toyota
19 Illustration of the Visualization Sutra (1323) 至治三年十月日誌 幹善道人 日精 同願道人眞□ 同願道人志堅 同願道人 戒澄 同願別將朴英□ 同願夫人金氏 同願隊正金仁 同願大禪師□□ 同願 淨業院住持僧統租□ 畫工薛冲 畫工李□ Chion-in, Kyoto
20 Amitabha Triad (1330) 香徒等 金恩達 松連 草兼 古火□ 金三 松百 閑守 助達 金呂 所閑 金三 金甫 仁界 水口 尹白 戒明 万眞 戒山 正延 大□ 于斤伊 孝□ 英宣 三 月 幹善禪□ 天曆三年庚午五月 Hōon-ji, Saitama
21 Illustration of the Sutra on the Descent of Maitreya (1350) 至正十年庚寅四月 日貧道玄哲謹發霞 誠同願法界檀那同 龍華三會恒聞說 法廣度群生耳 同願施主冬排 萬加裵丁一玄杲 賢熙戒如 黃甫 叔白金守尹 子金子 全旦李松李守孫□ 裵仲裵同叔守洪文 尹仲任桂叔桂戒洪 畫手悔前 Shinnō-in, Kōya-san
22 Avalokiteshvara and Kshitigarbha □□眞郡夫人 李□ 鄭□ Minami Hokke-ji, Nara
23 Amitabha with Eight Great Bodhisattvas 淸訓願成 Dainembutsu-ji, Osaka

( Table 1 ) List of patrons and donors of Goryeo Buddhist paintings

The production of Buddhist sculptures or paintings was carried out under the auspices of the patron who wanted to pray for some purpose, donors making offerings of such works to temples, and the monk organizing the project. Sometimes the patron and the donor were the same, and sometimes different. Some paintings carry the name of all three parties, patron, donor and monk; some carry just the names of the patron and donor; some carry the name of the monk only, and some make no distinction between patron and donor. This paper will examine the patrons and donors under the categories of royalty, officials, monks, and Buddhist communities.

01 ROYALITY

An example of a painting commissioned by royalty is Water-Moon Avalokiteshvara at Kagami Jinja, Saga (Figure 1). Although no inscription or record remains today, there is a copy left when the painting was donated to the shrine (Table 1-15), written by the cartographer and surveyor named Inō Tadataka (1745-1818),6 when he visited the shrine on September 7, 1812. This inscription records that the painting was produced by the artists Kim U, Yi Gye-dong, Im Sun-dong and Choe Seung under the commission of a royal concubine in the fifth month of 1310.7 The concubine was Lady Kim, daughter of a retired high official and younger sister of the official Kim Mun-yeon. She was the concubine of King Chungnyeol. When both Chungnyeol’s Mongol wife, Princess Jeguk (1259-1297), and his favorite concubine, Lady Mubi, passed away, his son (the future King Chungseon) brought in Lady Kim, who had been widowed at a young age. She was given the title Sukchangwonbi and was a great favorite of the king.8 Chungseon, who had been living in Yuan China, returned to Goryeo in the fifth month of 1307 following the killing of his close associates Seoheunghu Jeon and Wang Yu,9 but Chungnyeol was so fond of Lady Kim that he visited her on the day of his return.10 After the death of King Chungnyeol in 1308 Lady Kim also became the concubine of King Chungseon, who met her at her brother’s house, and she was soon promoted to royal concubine of the first rank (sukbi ).11 Lady Kim was said to have “infatuated the king and thrown politics into confusion. Her behavior was not refined and she was so fond of luxury that even upon the death of her mother she held banquets and dressed as finely as a princess.” But she was a devout Buddhist and when the Chinese monk Shaoqiong came to Goryeo in 1305, she and Chungnyeol received the Bodhisattva vows (a set of moral codes), visited Eunjawon (the institute for copying sutras) where she made offerings with the prime ministers, and hosted a big Buddhist ceremony at Heungcheonsa Temple. Her power is made evident by several stories handed down. For example, at the request of King Chungseon, in 1311 the Dowager Queen of Yuan sent an envoy with a gift of the traditional Mongolian headpiece called gugu. Wearing the headpiece, Lady Kim held a banquet for the Yuan envoy and the officials gave her gifts and congratulated her on the occasion.12 Also, when Chungseon passed away in 1325, his mourning hall was set up in Lady Kim’s palace.13

jkaa-4-30-f001.tif

( Figure 1 ) Water-Moon Avalokiteshvara, dated 1310. Hanging scroll; color on silk, 419.5 x 254.2 cm, Kagami Jinja, Saga

Lady Kim commissioned Water-Moon Avalokiteshvara in the fifth month of 1310. The inscription does not give details as to the specific prayers associated with the painting. Considering that King Chungnyeol passed away in 1308, it was most likely produced to pray for the repose of the king’s soul. When King Chungnyeol had fallen ill in the fifth month that year he was moved to the home of Lady Kim’s brother, Kim Mun-yeon, and died at Sinhyosa Temple two months later. It is said the mourning hall was set up in Lady Kim’s residence.14 Moreover, when the Water-Moon Avalokiteshvara was completed, the crown prince passed away in the fifth month and many other big incidents occurred. Although Chungseon had risen to the throne upon the death of his father, having spent so much of his life in Yuan, he soon grew tired of politics and after just two months he returned to Yuan where he governed through letters, with jeandaegun Suk acting in his charge. In the first month of 1310, he tried to hand the throne to his son Gam by a Yuan woman but was stopped by his retainers. Gam and his attendants were killed in the fifth month that year.15

In the same month Lady Kim commissioned the Water-Moon Avalokiteshvara painting. It is conjectured therefore that Lady Kim commissioned the painting and had it hung in a temple to pray for the former King Chungnyeol, console King Chungseon, who was in the Yuan capital at the time, and pray for the repose of the dead crown prince.16 Therefore, the painting was not commissioned by Lady Kim as an individual but to pray for the well-being of the royal court and the dead prince, and the work was carried out by Kim U, naebanjongsa, a ninth rank official at Aekjeongguk, the court office in charge of the king’s supply of paper, ink and brushes, and four other artists. Judging by the size of the work, which is over 5m high,17 it is surmised that the painting was enshrined in a royal temple or shrine in a ceremony with the Buddhist rites.

02 OFFICIALS

The patrons and donors of Buddhist paintings include a large number of state officials including civil officials, court attendants, and military officials. Among the most important patrons are some of King Chungnyeol’s close aides and military officials such as Yeom Seung-ik, Seo Ji-man, and Yi Yo-seom, as well as a man named Gwon Bok-su who is thought to be either Gwon Dan (1275-1308) or Gwon Bu (1262-1346).

The official most worthy of attention as a patron is Yeom Seung-ik, who commissioned the painting of Amitabha Buddha (Figure 2) from 1286.18 This painting was commissioned by Yeom to pray for the happiness and longevity of the king and his queen and concubines with wishes that they meet Amitabha and enter paradise upon death. Yeom was a descendant of Yeom Hyeon, who served as prime minister, and Yeom Sin-yak (1118-1192), who served as a high official of the second rank at Yebu, the ministry of rites, and the son of Yeom Sun-eon, who served as sobuseung, an official of the sixth rank.19 From an early age Yeom was seriously ill and put himself through severe physical mortification, such as making a hole in his hand and pulling a string through it, to cure his disease and prayed constantly for the relief of human illness. He became renowned as a healer, curing people through prayer and divination, and on the recommendation of the court official Yi Ji-jeo, he entered official service. Yeom earned the favor of the king and when Chungnyeol fell ill in 1277 he moved to Cheonhyosa Temple with Yeom accompanying him as jeongnang, an official of the fifth rank, to nurse him in his illness. Winning the king’s confidence, Yeom was promoted to the third rank, and in 1278 he was appointed bichikchi, one of a number of officials selected by the king to deliberate on policies.20 In the second month of 1280 he took charge of the construction of a temple hall at Hyeonhwasa Temple and in 1283 supervised repairs to the temple. He was put in control of big construction projects such as the pagoda at Wangnyunsa Temple and repair of Namgyewon Temple. Thereafter he served in a series of high ranking posts, and when the king and queen traveled to Yuan in 1289 and 1293 he attended them along with Jo In-gyu and Inhu (忽刺歹, Huratai; Mongolian). He retired in 1295 from illness and in 1302, after refusing further high appointments, he lived as before as a healer and practicing divination. It is recorded that “when the queen fell ill he went to the palace where he established a place for Buddhist sermons (beopseok) and bore holes in his hands and prayed.” Before his death he became a monk and died the same year.

jkaa-4-30-f002.tif

( Figure 2 ) Amitabha Buddha, dated 1286. Hanging scroll; color on silk, 205.5 x 105.1 cm, Former Shimazu Collection

According to Goryeosa (高麗史, History of Goryeo) and other records, Yeom’s power was so strong that he could “…alone change the course of the nation.”21 It is said he employed 50 people to build his house, but fearing the reprimand of the queen he turned part of the house into an office for the copying of sutras. He also recommended people to government posts and committed acts of tyranny such as privately managing people who had run away, luring commoners to work as sharecroppers for him, or extracting taxes on commoner’s landholdings. Whenever he was caught, however, the king took Yeom’s side and protected him. Yeom was always in favor with the king and queen and stayed inside the palace, though he did not take part in the state council. One record states, “Hong Ja-beon is prime minister, Jo In-gyu is head of Eosade [office of inspection, i.e. as good as prime minister], and Yeom Seung-ik is next.”22 “With Heo and Jo, he [Yeom] takes his turn at holding power. No one can stand equal to them.”23 As these records indicate, Yeom was one of the most powerful men of his time.

The next patron to be examined is Gwon Bok-su, who donated the painting of Amitabha Buddha (Figure 3).24 In 1306, to pray for the longevity and good fortune of the Yuan Emperor Chengzong (r. 1265-1307, Temur Khan), for the speedy return to Goryeo of King Chungnyeol, for and King Chungseon (r. 1298, 1308-1313) and his Queen, and for himself and all sentient beings of the dharma realm to be reborn in paradise, Gwon, together with the priest Gyemun and a man named Park Hyo-jin commissioned a painting of Amitabha Buddha. The year 1306 was a time when conflict between Chungnyeol and Chungseon had escalated. Both were in Yuan, where Chungnyeol sought to dethrone Chungseon. The record on the painting says, “I wish for the speedy return of your three majesties,” i.e. King Chungyeol, as well as King Chungseon and his Queen.

jkaa-4-30-f003.tif

( Figure 3 ) Amitabha Buddha, dated 1306. Hanging scroll; color on silk, 162.5 x 91.7 cm, Nezu Museum, Tokyo

The first line of the record on the facing left states “Donor Gwon Bok-su,” and the next line expresses the wish that “I myself and all sentient beings in the dharma realm should be reborn in paradise.” It then mentions that the painting was commissioned by Gwon together with the priest Gyemun and Park Hyo-jin, and this is followed by the date, the tenth year of Daedeok, which is 1306. What should be noted here is the name of the donor, Gwon Bok-su: although this name does not appear in Goryeosa or any other documents, it can be surmised from the quality of the painting and the content of the record that Gwon was a high-ranking official who was well versed in the affairs of state. Ide Seinosuke has proposed that Gwon Bok-su should refer to an official of that family name active in the Goryeo court, and has pointed to Gwon Dan (1228-1311),25 a twelfth-generation descendant of Gwon Haeng, the founder of the Andong Gwon clan, Gwon Dan was the son of Gwon Ui, a scholar at Hallimwon, the office in charge of the king’s writings26 and grandson of Gwon Su-pyeong, head of Chumilwon, an office in charge of the king’s expenditures, security and military affairs. Starting his government career as an official of the seventh rank, he passed the civil official licentiate exam and served in several posts including as a seventh-rank official at Hapmun, the office in charge of ceremonies and rites for the king. Under King Chungnyeol, he rose to even higher positions, and retired as a second-rank official. Known to be modest and upstanding, he was a devout Buddhist who called himself Mongam Geosa, “geosa” being the title for an ordinary male Buddhist layman. In 1304 when the Yuan monk Shaoqiong came to Goryeo, he entered Seonheungsa Temple and became a monk.

Gwon Dan was a man who served as a high official for 40 years. He ate no meat and lived like a monk, eventually becoming one in the end. It is highly possible that such a man commissioned the painting of Amitabha to wish for the speedy return of King Chungnyeol and King Chungseon and his Queen. But neither in Goryeosa or Goryeosa jeolyo (高麗史節要, Essential History of Goryeo) is there any mention of him apart from a post-1287 record stating that in the 12th month of 1311 Gwon Dan “passed away after retiring as Cheomui chanseongsa [high level official of the second rank].” This means that he retired from official life sometime between 1287 (age 60) and 1311 (age 84). In 1304 when the Chinese monk Shaoqiong came to Goryeo he became a monk at Seongheungsa Temple, and wandered around Mt. Geumgangsan and other places with Shaoqiong until his death in 1311.

If the donor is not Gwon Dan, attention should be shifted to his son Gwon Bu, who was a high official during the reign of King Chungnyeol and would have been familiar with the situation at court. Gwon Bu is the son Gwon Dan gained after praying to the Water-Moon Avalokiteshvara at Bongnyeongsa Temple.27 He passed the classics licentiate exam (jinsasi) in 1276 at the age of 15, and over the next 50 years until his retirement at the age of 64, he remained active in government service. For a period of 13 years he was in charge of Jeongbang, which looked after personnel affairs, and for 22 years served as prime minister. He was thus active in government through the reigns of Chungnyeol, Chungseon, and Chungsuk. As a close aide to King Chungseon and scholar at Hallimwon, he was a leading force in the king’s reform efforts. When the king was sent to exile in Tibet (present-day Qinghai), he sent Gwon a letter asking him to make an effort to clear his name,28 indicating the closeness of their relationship. Chungseon’s faith in Gwon Bu is attested by the fact that he bought the house of the scholar An Hyang for Gwon’s eldest son, Jun,29 and bestowed the name Wang Hu on Gwon's fourth son, Jae, whom he later adopted him as his own son.30 In 1314 the king summoned Gwon Bu’s son-in-law, Yi Je-hyeon, to Yuan and gave him the opportunity to study Chinese classics and neo-Confucianism through association with famous Yuan scholars such as Zhao Mengfu (1254-1322), Yan Fu (1236-1312), Yu Ji (1272-1358), and Yao Sui (1238-1313).31 In this way, nine members of the Andong Gwon clan including Gwon Bu, his son, and his son-in-law became known as the “nine lords from one family,”32 providing the base for the clan’s rise to power and influence in the late Goryeo period.

Around the time the Amitabha Buddha was being painted in 1306, Gwon Bu was in his early 40s, and being appointed to key posts he was evidently familiar with the complex political surrounding Chungnyeol and Chungseon. Also, considering that there is no record of his activities between the seventh month of 1305, when he was appointed to cheomni (second rank) at the office of Docheomui, and the fourth month of 1308, when he was appointed pyeongni (also second rank), it is supposed that he was in Yuan with King Chungnyeol. As noted above, his father Gwon Dan intended to enter a temple and become a monk when Shaoqiong came to Goryeo in the seventh month of 1304, but his son's absence forced him to delay the event until after his son’s return.33 This is another indication that Gwon Bu was not in the country at the time. The year 1306 was a time of confusion in the nation as conflict between King Chungnyeol and King Chungseon reached a peak. As Gwon Bu had gone to Yuan and witnessed these events and it is thought that he may have commissioned the painting of Amitabha Buddha to pray for the safe and speedy return of the three royals. Gwon Bu was the son Gwon Dan had gained after praying to Water-Moon Avalokiteshvara at Bongnyeongsa Temple, and his son Jongjeong became a monk and served an official post (yangga dochongseop) at Seungnoksa, the government office in charge of Buddhist-related affairs. It is evident that the whole family were devout Buddhists.34 In his youth, however, Gwon Bu with Baek I-jeong and others had studied Neo-Confucianism under the tutelage of An Hyang,35 and when Baek returned from the Mongol capital Dadu (formerly Yanjing, present-day Beijing) to Goryeo, Gwon recommended that he publish Zhu Xi's Sishu jizhu (四書集註, Commentary of the Four Classics). As a Neo-Confucianism, it may have been difficult for Gwon Bu to commission a Buddhist painting under his own name. It can then be conjectured that he revealed only the family name “Gwon” and used the name “Bok-su” instead of his real name.

Next to be examined is the Illustration of the Visualization Sutra from 1323 (Figure 4; Rinshō-ji, Toyota), which was commissioned by the priest Simhwan, the court attendant Seo Ji-man, Buddhist monks and ordinary laymen, and a community of women believers. An important person here is Seo Ji-man, an in-court attendant (naesi) who lived at in the palace, who appears to have not only taken part in commissioning the sutra illustration but also in painting it.36 In the Goryeo dynasty the naesi constituted a class of court attendants who looked after palace affairs and waited on the king.37 In the early Goryeo period they came from the class of civil and military officials and took on additional important duties such as being envoys for the king, reporting to the king on the affairs of government offices, and conducting rites.38 From the reign of King Mokjong (997-1009), many civil and military officials were appointed as naesi to act as mediators between the king and government offices, thus facilitating communication and the smooth and speedy execution of court affairs. During the reign of King Euijong (r. 1146-1170) many members of the nobility entered the court as naesi.39 Fundamentally, the naesi could go no higher than the third rank, but they were a force holding real power through their direct contact with the king and function of relaying the king’s messages and commands to government offices and officials.

jkaa-4-30-f004.tif

( Figure 4 ) Illustration of the Visualization Sutra, dated 1323. Hanging scroll; color on silk, 214.0 x 112.5 cm, Rinshō-ji, Toyota

As far as rank goes, a person of the naesi class had power enough to commission a Buddhist painting. But the question is, how could Seo take part in producing the painting when he was not an artist? It is believed the court attendants called naesi originally belonged to the office called Aekjeongguk, but during the reign of King Munjong (r. 1046-1083) they were placed under an independent office called Naesibu.40 This theory comes from the fact that they were also called naealja, meaning “one who reports internal affairs,” and that there was a position inside Aekjeongguk of the sixth rank called naealjagam. While some scholars dispute this, the overlapping of names and titles is worth noting.41 Indeed, Kim U, who painted the 1310 Water-Moon Avalokiteshvara, and Seo Gu-bang, who painted the 1323 Water-Moon Avalokiteshvara, were both officials of the ninth rank belonging to Naealsa, the new name for Aekjeongguk, and were responsible for producing Buddhist paintings. Therefore, it is likely that Seo Ji-man, as an official in the same office, was also an artist with the same duties. The fact that he commissioned the painting with groups of Buddhist laymen and a community of women believers attests to his deep faith.

The 1320 painting of the Kshitigarbha with the Ten Kings of Hell (Figure 5; Chion-in, Kyoto) was commissioned by a man of the name Kim with the title seongongsi seung and Lady Yi, as with the title Wansangunbuin. Seongongsi is the court office in charge of construction works in the palace and government offices,42 while seung is a title of the sixth rank, indicating that Kim was a mid-level official. The title "-gunbuin (郡夫人)" comes from the Chinese system where it was applied to the wives and mothers of officials of the third rank or higher. Under the Joseon dynasty, during the reign of King Sejong (r. 1418-1450), it was applied to wives of the royal family and legal wives of officials of the first rank, attached to the end of the husband’s pen name or the name of his hometown. The title had already existed in the Goryeo dynasty, however. Titles were first given to the wives of officials in 988, seventh year of the reign of King Seongjong, and in 1391, third year of the reign of King Gongyang, the title daegunbuin was given to wives of officials of the second rank. Thus it is believed that the suffix "-gunbuin" generally refers to the wife of a high official.43

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( Figure 5 ) Kshitigarbha with the Ten Kings of Hell, dated 1320. Hanging scroll; color on silk, 156.1 x 85.1 cm, Chion-in, Kyoto

Lady Yi with the title Wansangunbuin can be identified with the wife of the high official Jo Hyeok and mother of Wonmyeong Daesa (Great Master Wonmyeong). Wonmyeong was a monk hailing from Hamyeol, Jeollabuk-do, and was active in Yuan toward the late Goryeo period. He left home to become a monk at the age of 12 and after passing the high examination for monks based on the five doctrines of the Hwaeom (C: Huayan) school in 1294 he stayed at Buljusa Temple. In 1305 he was invited to Yuan by the king who had heard of his great learning, and in 1311 he became the first abbot of Chongen-fuyuansi Temple.44 He died at this temple on the 28th day of the 2nd month of 1330. Wonmyeong's father, Jo Hyeok, was a military official of the third rank in the early Goryeo period. Considering that he was born in Hamyeol, it is possible that his wife came from the neighboring Wansan (Jeonju) area, and that she therefore had the title Wansangunbuin. In 1320, when the Kshitigarbha with the Ten Kings of Hell painting was produced, Wonmyeong was abbot of Chongen-fuyuansi Temple. It can be conjectured that Kim and Lady Yi commissioned the painting to pray for the welfare of her son in Yuan. Aside from this painting, others commissioned by high officials include the painting of Avalokiteshvara and Kshitigarbha preserved at Minami Hokke-ji in Nara. The record of the painting mentions the wife of a high official by the family name of Yi and Jeong, but it is not known who she was.

The next patrons of Buddhist paintings to be considered are the military officials. The patrons of the Five Hundred Arhats (Figure 6, 1235-1236), which are among some of the earliest Goryeo Buddhist paintings, and the Illustration of the Visualization Sutra (Figure 7, 1323) in Chion-in were all low-ranking military officials. The Five Hundred Arhats were painted between 1235 and 1236,45 commissioned by several different military officials led by Kim Eui-in, a ninth-rank official with the title of daejeong. The painting of 234th Arhat (Figure 6) from the seventh month of 1235 carries the name Yi Saeng and the title hongmuhadae. It is not known exactly what the title means but the dae at the end of the name indicates the lowest military unit made up of 25 members, led by a person titled daejeong, indicating Kim Eui-in. In the tenth month of the same year a painting of the 379th Arhat was commissioned by Yi Yo-seom, whose title was dobyeongmanoksa.46 This means he was an official at Dobyeongmasa, the office for deliberation of military affairs. It was a position temporarily served by those who had obtained high marks in the state military service exams, and though it carried the pay and prestige of a seventh-grade official it was not a formal position.47 In contrast, the painting of the 125th Arhat was commissioned by a general of the fourth rank, leading a 1000-member military unit called yeong. In the following year paintings of the five hundred arhats continued to be painted under the lead of Kim Eui-in, and the 170th Arhat was commissioned by a ninth-rank official titled gyowi leading a military unit called oh. Among the patrons recorded on the 1323 Illustration of the Visualization Sutra (Figure 7) are one Park with the title byeoljang, an official of the seventh-rank and leader of a unit lower than yeong, and one Kim In with the title daejeong.

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( Figure 6 ) Five Hundred Arhats (234th Arhat), dated 1236. Hanging scroll; ink on silk, 54.0 x 37.2 cm, National Museum of Korea

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( Figure 7 ) Illustration of the Visualization Sutra, dated 1323. Hanging scroll; color on silk, 224.2 x 139.1 cm, Chion-in, Kyoto

As indicated by the above, paintings of the Five Hundred Arhats and the Illustration of the Visualization Sutra were commissioned by low-ranking military officials, with the exception of the General. This being the case, it is natural to wonder how such officials had the economic means to be patrons of Buddhist art. The leaders of lower military units usually came from the class of rank and file soldiers.48 A few came from ordinary soldier class but generally they came from the ruling class of officials or the landed gentry.49 As members of the royal army, they comprised a hereditary class of soldiers and were provided with government land. The daejeong and gyowi were the sons of officials, but sometimes ordinary soldiers or those who had shown merit in battle. As leaders of small units their positions carried many difficulties. As such, their pay did not compare unfavorably to civil officials of the same rank, and in fact could be said their pay was even one or two levels higher.50 Hence, although they ranked low and enjoyed no special rights or privileges, those who were appointed as sons of officials of the fifth rank or above were given preferential treatment in pay and government land,51 and it is thought this would have given them the financial means to commission Buddhist paintings.

03 BUDDHIST MONKS

In the Goryeo dynasty monks were also major patrons of Buddhist paintings. As in the case of Illustration of the Sutra on the Descent of Maitreya from 1294, they commissioned works on an individual basis, or as in the case of the Illustration of the Visualization Sutra from 1323 and the Illustration of the Sutra on the Descent of Maitreya from 1350, as part of a group with other monks and believers. Ordinary monks used their Buddhist name, or the title doin in front of the name,52 or the title bindo (humble form) in front of the name (as in the 1350 Maitreya). Those who served as chief monks or other particular positions wrote their names in the order of position, title, and Buddhist name.

The highest monks known as patrons of Buddhist paintings are those who commissioned the Illustration of the Visualization Sutra of 1323 in Chion-in (Figure 7). The record mentions two monks with the titles of daeseonsa and seungtong, which are the highest positions in the Seon (C: Chan, J: Zen) schools and the Gyo (non-Zen) schools of Buddhism respectively. The first higher state examination for Buddhist monks, seunggwa, was held in 958 (9th year of the reign of King Gwangjong), and from the reign of King Seonjong (r. 1083-94) the examination was held every three years to fill these top positions. The examination were held in two divisions, the Seon examination being held at Gwangmyeongsa Temple in Gaegyeong, the Seon headquarters, and the Gyo examination at Samnyunsa Temple in Gaegyeong, the Gyo headquarters. Those who passed were given the title daeseon and gradually progressed through the ranks to daedeok, daesa, jungdaesa, and samjungdaesa. Higher titles in the Seon school were seonsa and daeseonsa, and in the Gyo school sujwa and seungtong. Those with the very highest titles, daeseonsa and seungtong, were appointed as guksa (National Preceptor) or wangsa (Royal Preceptor) and served as advisors to the king.53

The patron named "Jeongeopwon-juji-seungtong Jo" indicates a Buddhist priest of the highest rank, seungtong, of the name Jo who served as head monk at Jeongeopwon Temple. In the 14th century there was a Buddhist priest of the name Johyeong whose title was seungtong and served as Royal Preceptor. The only remaining record states that in 1325 (the ninth year of the reign of King Chungsuk) “Johyeong was appointed royal preceptor,” but no other details are known.54 Considering that a Buddhist priest with the title of seungtong could be appointed National Preceptor or Royal Preceptor, however, it is highly possible that Johyeong was the patron behind the Illustration of the Visualization Sutra of 1323. It is thought that Jo served as head monk of Jeongeopwon around 1323.

The name Jeongeopwon or Jeongeop Convent first appears in a record from 1164 during the reign of King Euijong,55 which says, “The king went to stay at Jeongeopwon.” A later record from 1251 (38th year of King Gojong) states that the scholar Park Hwon’s home was converted into Jeongeopwon where female monks lived, and that walls were built around the convent to prevent outsiders from entering.56 It is also known that in 1316 Lady Ban, the wife of Yi Jip, provincial governor of Hwangju, became a Buddhist nun and was sent to Jeongeopwon after killing her husband.57 From these clues it seems that Jeongeopwon was a nunnery. Chief priests of Jeongeopwon included the protégés of Royal Preceptor Naong such as Myobong and Myojang,58 and were always women until the early Joseon dynasty, which makes it clear Jeongeopwon was a nunnery.59 Does this mean Johyeong was also a nun? As there are no records of a woman passing the state Buddhist examination (seunggwa) or being appointed to any official position, it is certain that Johyeong was male. In this regard, Kim Yeong-mi conjectured that at the time temples for Buddhist nuns would have been headed by a male monk and that up until 1323 at least, when the painting was commissioned, Jeongeopwon was headed by a male monk also.60

The 1320 painting of Amitabha with Eight Great Bodhisattvas was commissioned by Anyangsa-juji-daesa and Sanin Un-u (Figure 8). Although it cannot be known who was the head abbot (juji) of Anyangsa Temple, the name indicates that the monk in question reached the position of daesa, a title used by both the Seon and Gyo schools. Commissioned by the head of Anyangsa Temple, it is certain this painting was produced somewhere nearby Gaegyeong. In the Goryeo dynasty there were many temples of the name Anyangsa around the country, in Geumju (present-day Siheung),61 Haeju,62 Mt. Jirisan,63 Mt. Oeumsan in Icheon,64 Gyeonggi-do Province; Mt. Bogaesan in Cheolwon;65 Gyodong-hyeon in Gyeonggi-do Province; Okcheon in Chungcheongbuk-do Province; Deogwon in Hamgyeong-do Province; Junghwa in Pyeongan-do Province; and Hongje-dong in Hanyang.66 It is not known which Anyangsa in particular the record on the painting refers to, but the style of this painting is typical of the court Buddhist painting style, indicating that it was connected to the court in some way or was produced in a temple named Anyangsa close to the capital. In this light, the most likely temple is Anyangsa in Geumju, which was built by Wang Geon, founder of the Goryeo dynasty, and had a seven-storey brick pagoda.67 Hence it is surmised that the chief priest of Anyangsa in Geumju commissioned the painting with a man named Un-u and had it enshrined in the temple.

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( Figure 8 ) Amitabha with Eight Great Bodhisattvas, dated 1320. Hanging scroll; color on silk, 177.3 x 91.2 cm, Matsuo-dera, Nara

The Illustration of the Sutra on the Descent of Maitreya from 1350 at Shinnō-in was commissioned by the monk bindo Hyeoncheol with a group of 20 believers (Figure 9). Bindo is a humble term for an ordinary monk, the equivalent of the Sanskrit term shramana. From the record on the painting alone it is hard to tell what Hyeoncheol’s position was and what temple he belonged to, but from the content, which expresses the wish to listen to the sermons at the three dharma assemblies to be held under the dragon-flower tree when Maitreya, the Buddha of the future, enters the world,68 it is likely the painting was commissioned with laymen devoted to the cult of Maitreya. The name Hyeoncheol also appears in an earlier record with the title dongnyang doin regarding publication of the Lotus Sutra (Vol. 8, Shiga Museum) in 1332. This sutra copy was commissioned by the Oh Gye-yu, who was very powerful at the time, to pray for the longevity of the emperor and the welfare of the people and prosperity of the nation, so it can be guessed that Hyeoncheol was a monk at a temple close to the capital who was very active in Buddhist works such as the production of Buddhist paintings and sutras and annotations of the sutras.

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( Figure 9 ) Illustration of the Sutra on the Descent of Maitreya, dated 1350. Hanging scroll; color on silk, 178.0 x 90.3 cm, Shinnō-in, Kōya-san

04 BUDDHIST COMMUNITIES AND INDIVIDUALS

Goryeo Buddhist paintings are characterized by their brilliant colors, gold leaf decoration, and fine, detailed style, and hence it is generally understood that the majority were commissioned by royalty and the aristocracy. In some cases, however, they were commissioned by individuals, groups of laymen, or hyangdo. Examples of paintings commissioned by groups include the Illustration of the Visualization Sutra from 1323 (Figure 4; Rinshō-ji), the Amitabha Triad from 1330 (Hōon-ji) and Illustration of the Sutra on the Descent of Maitreya from 1350 (Figure 9). Illustration of the Visualization Sutra (Figure 4), as discussed above, was painted by a court attendant (naesi) named Seo Ji-man and commissioned by Seo in conjunction with monks, laymen and ordinary individuals, including a community of female believers. Apart from one man named Hojang Park Yeong-gyeon, all of the people involved are commoners. The group includes male and female monks and many unnamed ordinary people from different parts of the country, as indicated by references to “Naksan-hain,” “Yangju-jeop” and “Jungdo-jeop,” who joined together to pray for the same purpose. “Naksan-hain” is interpreted as “people living under Mt. Naksan” or “people living under Naksansa Temple.” Considering the core of the group of patrons consists of monks, both male and female, the latter alternative seems more likely. There were several temples named Naksansa including one in Yangyang; in Jangdan, Gyeonggi-do Province; and Mt. Buksan in Gaegyeong. According to Ide Seinosuke, the temple in Jangdan is the most likely.69 Naksansa Temple in Jangdan was a temple on the slope of Mt. Yongamsan. Indeed, as the temple was close to the capital, Gaegyeong, King Chungnyeol often went there with Princess Jeguk.70 It was also the prayer temple of the monk Sindon, and the Temple where King Gongmin worshipped the Buddha.71 Enshrined at Naksansa Temple was a clay statue of Avalokiteshvara commissioned by Uisang Daesa, which gave the temple a reputation as a place with miraculous power for prayer and attracted a stream of male and female believers who burned incense endlessly.72 As this painting was produced by the court attendant Seo Ji-man it seems most logical to regard the male and female monks and believers of Naksansa Temple, the one close to the capital, as the patrons of the painting. The record of the painting indicates that many believers from Yangju-jeop and Jungdo-jeop were also involved.73 Yangju functioned as the center of Yanggwang-do, which covered the southern part of Gyeonggi-do, part of Gangwon-do, and most of Chungcheong-do in the Goryeo dynasty,74 and was under the position of the regional office called Gyesugwan. Jungdo is also considered by some to mean Yanggwang-do,75 but generally the name refers to the Daejeon area in particular. In this respect, it can be surmised that the court attendant Seo commissioned this painting in conjunction with Buddhist communities in the Gyeonggi-do and Chungcheong-do areas.

The major example of a Buddhist painting with individuals as the major patron is the Amitabha Triad from 1309 (Figure 10; Uesugi Jinja, Yamagata) commissioned by the Suhodang Seo family. At the bottom of the painting of Amitabha is an inscription stating that “Family funds were used to hire an artist to paint the Four Deities of the Western Pure Land to pray for good fortune in this life and to be reborn in Paradise after death.”76 Underneath the figures of Avalokiteshvara and Mahasthamaprapta, who flank Amitabha, are inscriptions reading, “Offering of the Suhodang Seo family.” There are many theories about this painting: that it was commissioned by a man named Suhodang Seo for his mother using family funds;77 that it was painted to pray for the welfare of the whole Seo family;78 that it was painted to pray for the Seo family’s good fortune and virtue in this life and the next;79 or that it was painted to pray for the welfare of Seo and his four sons in this life and their entry to Paradise in the next life.80 However, considering that the name Suhodang Seo is written in large characters and the names of his sons, Dong and Man, and others named Yusin and Gyeryang, in smaller characters seems to indicate that the painting was commissioned by four people, including two sons of the Seo family.

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( Figure 10 ) Amitabha Triad, dated 1309. Three hanging scrolls; color on silk, 147.0 x 61.5 cm (each), Uesugi Jinja, Yamagata

It is believed that the Seo family referred to in this case means the descendants of Seo Hui (942-998), a military official and diplomat of early Goryeo, a major family of aristocratic lineage. The Seo clan hailing from Icheon continued to thrive and was a powerful force in late Goryeo also.81 Judging from the name Suhodang, which would be the name of the family home, and the act of hiring an artist to produce a Buddhist painting, the Seo family in question here was no doubt one with considerable power and financial resources. In this respect, Ahn Jae-hong pinpoints the family of Seo In (1277-?), who served as an official of the third rank at Saheonbu, the office of the inspector-general, and was an eighth-generation descendant of the Yanggyeonggong branch of the Icheon Seo clan. At the same time, arguing that it was rare for men to write just the family name on a painting record in the Goryeo dynasty, Ahn suggested the likelihood of the name referring to a woman of the Seo clan or the wife of an influential family by the name of Seo who commissioned the painting along with her children. To support his argument, Ahn cites the record on the Yuan dynasty painting of Amitabha in the Kyoto National Museum which mentions “the Buddhist woman believer Seo,” that is, a woman by the family name of Seo with no given names. If this is indeed the same woman as “Suhodang Seo,” or at least a woman from the same family, then questions must be raised as to the country of origin of the supposed Yuan painting of Amitabha in the Kyoto National Museum.82 However, there is no known incidence in Goryeo of the name of a family home such as Suhodang being attached to a woman’s name,83 and it is believed that if Seo were really a woman of a powerful family her title would be "–gunbuin" rather than the name of the home.

III GORYEO DYNASTY BUDDHISM AND SOCIETY SEEN THROUGH THE PATRONS OF BUDDHIST PAINTINGS

Discussed above are the patrons of Goryeo Buddhist art, who they were, and why and for what purposes they commissioned the paintings in question. In this section, the characteristics of Goryeo Buddhism and society as reflected patronage of Buddhist paintings will be examined from three aspects: the spread of Buddhism focused on praying for good fortune and the prevalence of Buddhist works and activities; the rise of influential political families in the late Goryeo period; and the growth of hyangdo.

01 SPREAD OF BUDDHISM SEEKING GOOD FORTUNE AND THE PREVALENCE OF BUDDHIST WORKS

Most of the extant Goryeo Buddhist paintings were produced after the late 13th century. Few works from early Goryeo remain mainly because they were lost through frequent invasions and a long war with the Mongols. Another reason for the dominance of late Goryeo works, however, is the spread of Buddhism focused on praying for good fortune and the boom in production of paintings for prayer purposes, for Buddhist assemblies, and various rites and ceremonies.

Wang Geon, founder of Goryeo, upheld Buddhism, which flourished from the beginning of the nation under state protection and promotion. Wang Geon’s policy of worshipping Buddha and protecting Buddhism was passed down to successive kings, and in 958 King Gwangjong instituted the state exam for Buddhist monks, seunggwa, institutionalizing the Seon and Gyo schools. Most kings accepted the Bodhisattva precepts, and if they had four sons, they would make one of them a Buddhist monk. In the early Goryeo period, the monk Uicheon (1055-1101) studied the Cheontae (C: Tiantai) and Hwaeom schools of Buddhism in the Song Dynasty and when he returned to Goryeo in 1086 he founded the Goryeo Cheontae school. Doctrinal development was achieved, but various incidents involving monks upset public sentiment, such as Gwanggi from Gwangmyeongsa Temple being caught and punished for forgery of yin-yang texts, and large social gatherings of monks and nuns and young Buddhists. Many big Buddhist assemblies at court and other events aimed at seeking good fortune were held. In the 12th century, monks such as Hakil and Tanyeong led the development of Goryeo Buddhism in an unsullied direction, but in the reign of King Uijong (r. 1146-1176) the court attendant Yeongeui convinced the king that the fate of the nation and the longevity of the king depended solely on prayer; to ensure a long life, he told the king he must worship Avalokiteshvara and Indra and had him commission paintings of the two bodhisattvas to be enshrined in temples in the capital and the provinces in large ceremonies.84 In addition, the court attendant Baek Seon-yeon, to celebrate Buddha’s birthday in the fourth month of 1166, commissioned 40 paintings of Avalokiteshvara,85 which were enshrined at lotus lantern festivals (yeondeunghoe). The festival at Bongeunsa Temple was a big event drawing the participation of more than 1,500 people, indicating the growth in the scale of Buddhist activities.86 The king favored events with an invocatory nature; he filled the palace with monks and often held sermons at temples with his highest ministers, while the ministers and even ordinary people rushed to build temples and pagodas. In an attempt to reform Buddhism, in the mid-Goryeo period the monk Jinul (1158-1210) established a society focused on the concepts of mental concentration (samadhi) and wisdom (prajna) at Suseonsa, Mt. Jogyesan, creating a new movement within the Seon school. Buddhist works focused on praying for protection of the nation and good fortune continued to flourish, however, with the invasions of the Khitans and the Mongols during the reign of King Gojong (r. 1213-1259).

New trends in Buddhism began to emerge in the 13th century. The Gyo school, which had thrived during the 12th century, began to weaken while the Jogye and Cheontae orders grew into the leading forces. In the first half of the 13th century communities of Buddhists began to form and after a period of resistance against the Mongols, the military government fell, putting Goryeo under Yuan control and instigating sweeping changes. Under the influence of Yuan, Buddhism took on a mystical and doomsday nature, and forms of faith gradually moved toward miraculous powers and the practice of good deeds. From the early days of Goryeo, rather than the doctrinal and logical side of Buddhism using the monk Doseon's pungsu theories (C: fengshui, the theory of divination based on topography), or the rulers’ attempts to use Buddhism as a means to consolidate the people, the ritual and invocatory aspects of Buddhism came to the fore. In the late Goryeo period, as the driving force of Buddhism shifted from the aristocracy to the common people native, mystical Buddhism was revived in a big way in the first half of the 13th century. That is, in the transition from the aristocracy to the common people, religious tastes tended toward mystical and miraculous deeds rather than doctrine. And as these strange and wonderful aspects were incorporated into Buddhism, the Buddhist circle attracted a stronger following among the people.87 This popular taste for the mystical side of Buddhism spread to the intellectuals the major work reflecting the situation at the time is the Haedong beophwa yeongheom jeon (海東法華靈驗傳, Wonders of the Lotus Sutra) by the Cheontae monk Cheon Chaek (1206-1283) of the Cheontae order.88 Another book from the same period is the monk Iryeon’s Samgungnyusa (三國遺史, Memorabilia of the Three Kingdoms) which also has a strong tendency toward the wonderful and miraculous in its stories. From this it can be surmised to what extent Buddhist faith at the time was focused on miraculous deeds and seeking good fortune.

The 13th century was also a time when various new sects of Buddhism appeared including the Sinin, Jinyeomeop, Yul, Bunhwang, and Soseung sects. Of these the most notable are the Sinin (munduru) and Jinyeomeop sects of tantric Buddhism. The Sinin sect is based on “Secret of Munduru” by Myeongnang of Silla and advocates belief that Buddhist worship can help the nation overcome disaster. It hence had a strong nation-protecting element. Jinyeomeop is a sect started by the Tantric monk Hyetong as a form of individual faith to pray for the cure of disease.89 It had a strong incantatory element as it advocated the belief that diseases can be cured with dharani. Goryeosa frequently mentions that the king and aristocrats went to the temple when they fell ill, or that they died at a temple. This shows that temples at the time were considered to be a place to recover from illness, and they did indeed have resident medical monks who cured illness using the magical power of the sutras or divine powers.90

This trend toward the mystical, miraculous and good deeds became even stronger in the 14th century. The nature of Buddhism at the time can be glimpsed in the publication of Samsippalbun gongdeokso gyeong (三十八分功德疏經) in 1331, a short sutra that promotes prayer to 38 Buddhas, bodhisattvas and venerable to accumulate virtue, which was promoted by the Hwaeom monk Chewon, who wrote the postscript to it himself; the Beophwa yeongheom jeon (法華靈驗傳, Wonders of the Lotus Sutra) by the Cheontae monk Yowon; the many sutras and paintings commissioned by royalty and the aristocracy; and in the popularity of the burial of incense in coastal and urban areas based on the cult of Maitreya. It was believed that wood buried in sea water was the best material for incense, while burning incense made with such materials was considered a highly virtuous deed. In regard to the development of Buddhism in this direction, the influence of Yuan’s Lama Buddhism cannot be ruled out, but this clearly shows the decrease in the social function of Buddhism.

This social climate of late Goryeo, when Buddhism had a strong invocatory nature and faith was focused on good deeds and miracles, promoted the commission of Buddhist paintings by individuals and groups.

02 RISE OF POWERFUL FAMILIES

Among the patrons of Buddhist paintings were a number of influential political families (known as gwonmunsejok) which emerged in the late Goryeo period. They included families of aristocratic lineage, families who had risen to the fore during the period of military government, and families which had prospered through their connection with Yuan. While the aristocracy dominated politics in the first half of the dynasty, these influential political families led in the second half.91 They began to form during the period of military rule and became the leading force during the reign of King Chungnyeol, their influence gained by collaborating in the Mongol invasions, accompanying the kings during their stay in Yuan, or inter-marrying with the families of civil and military officials who already had a solid power base.

Two of the most famous families at the time, although they did not count among the 15 families of prime ministers and meritorious officials that could marry royalty,92 were the Seowon Yeom clan and the Andong Gwon clan.93 The family of prime minster Yeom Seung-ik, who commissioned the Amitabha Buddha painting from 1286 (Figure 2), grew into a powerful force through his grandson Yeom Je-sin’s marriage with pro-Yuan forces and influential families. Yeom Sung-ik married one of his daughters to Moji (末吉; Mongolian) a high official in the Yuan court, and another daughter to Heo Pyeong, son of Heo Gong, the third of the three great prime ministers of Goryeo along with Yeom Seung-ik and Jo In-gyu (1227-1308).94 His son Se-chung married Jo's daughter but died at a young age. Se-chung’s son Je-sin went to Yuan when he was young. He stayed in the home of his aunt and uncle Moji, and with the help of Emperor Taiding (r. 1324-1328) and Emperor Shun (r. 1333-1367) served in official posts in the Yuan court. Yeom Je-sin’s daughter became a concubine of King Gongmin, while his three sons all passed the civil service exams and served in high official positions.

Gwon Bok-su, the patron of the 1306 painting of Amitabha Buddha (Figure 3) as mentioned above, may have been from the Andong Gwon clan. There are two Gwon clans, one from Andong and one from Yecheon. The Andong clan is the major of the two, but both clans had their names bestowed on them by the king. The founder of the Andong Gwon clan was originally named Kim Haeng, hailing from the royal Kim clan of the Silla Kingdom. In 930 when Gyeon Hwon of Later Baekje battled Wang Geon, founder of Goryeo, in the Andong region, Kim Haeng along with Kim Seon-pyeong and Jang Jeong-pil dedicated themselves to Wang Geon, who named them meritorious officials and granted them high titles. He bestowed on Kim Haeng the name of Gwon (meaning “power”),95 indicating that he was well versed in political affairs and the current situation. Although the Gwon clan established a firm base in Andong from the time of Gwon Haeng, its members did not enter central government but served as village chiefs from generation to generation. Gwon’s ninth-generation descendant Gwon Jung-si was the first to take a central government post, and his sons Gwon Su-pyeong (?-1250) and Gwon Su-hong began to have real influence. Gwon Su-pyeong was a military official with the title of daejeong and rose to an official of the third rank at Chumilwon, the privy council, thus paving the way for the family’s success. His son Gwon Wi served as a scholar at Hallimwon, and his son Gwon Dan (1228-1311) retired as an official of the second rank. The Andong Gwon clan’s rise into one of the major powerful forces of late Goryeo came with the rise of Gwon Bu (1262-1346), son of Gwon Dan. Gwon Bu, his five sons, and his three sons-in-law together received the title of bonggun (a second-rank office), and were known collectively as the “nine lords from one family.”96 The family thrived and become one of the most important forces of their day.97

The concubine Sukbi who commissioned the Water-Moon Avalokiteshvara (Figure 1) from 1310 hailed from the Eonyang Kim clan, one of the most influential political families during the time of military rule of Goryeo. The Eonyang Kim clan produced 12 prime-ministers or minister-level officials over five generations, starting with Kim Chwi-ryeo (?-1234), the Lord of Wiryeol, who served as minister of Jungseo-munhaseong, the Goryeo secretariat. Sukbi was the great-granddaughter of Kim Chwi-ryeo and younger sister of Kim Mun-yeon, who was in great favor with King Chungnyeol and King Chungseon. Kim Mun-yeon became an official of the eighth rank at the age of 30 and later rose to second-rank official at Cheomuisi, the highest administrative organ of Goryeo. Under the command of King Chungseon, in 1307 he returned to Goryeo from Yuan and delivered a declaration on reformation of affairs of state. He appointed 80 new officials and played a big part in returning Chungseon to power. It was largely due to his power and the influence of the Kim clan that Sukbi became the royal concubine when Princess Jeguk, Chungseon’s queen, passed away in 1297. During King Chungseon’s reign, the Eonyang Kim clan became one of the 15 most influential political families that could marry with the royal family of Goryeo.

03 RISE OF HYANGDO, BUDDHIST COMMUNITIES IN THE PROVINCES

The 1323 Illustration of the Visualization Sutra (Figure 4; Rinshō-ji) and the 1330 Amitabha Triad painting (Hōon-ji) was commissioned by a Buddhist community called hyangdo and other Buddhist laymen. Hyangdo existed in Korea from the Three Kingdoms period and their major purpose was to produce Buddhist images and bells and construct pagodas, and temples. They also provided the manpower and financial means for large-scale works such as assemblies, offerings to temples, and maehyang (埋香), burial of incense. Hyangdo generally included monks and laymen, and ranged in size from around 20 members, as in the case of the of that organized in Hyeonpung-hyeon in 928, to very large ones as in the case of that organized to produce the Hoejinsa Temple bell (c. 1011) in Gyeongju with over 3,000 members.98 In the early Goryeo period, they were sometimes organized by lower government officials with the village chief as head, and encompassing the two kinds of communities, the mireuk-hyangdo and the chu-hyangdo. This was the case for the construction of the stone pagoda at Gyesimsa Temple in 1011.99 But from the 12th century the nature and composition of hyangdo became diversified. Originally, hyangdo were communities of Buddhists based in the capital, Gaegyeong, and the provinces, who gathered voluntarily to carry out Buddhist activities and works. However, the custom and spirit of voluntary work was sometimes distorted, as in the case of large organizations called manbulhoe, composed of large numbers of Buddhist monks and nuns and believers who started donating their homes to temples, a practice that was banned by the state as it became widespread.100 Varied types of hyangdo then emerged, for example that composed of high government officials for prayer and the performance of Buddhist rites and music organized by General Shin Bo-sun (?-1187);101 another of candle and lantern bearers forming King Chunghye’s procession to Sinhyosa Temple in 1342;102 and others composed entirely of women or of common people in the provinces.

Such changes led to the development of agricultural technology, encompassing water works, improvement of seed varieties, and fertilization, which in turn led to changes within the farmer class.103 Some farmers totally collapsed, but others gained increased independence, and to protect their autonomy they began to reorganize rural communities. Hyangdo based on these farming communities began to appear in the provinces. The 20 some patrons of the Amitabha Triad from 1330 have ordinary native names with almost no family names attached, indicating that the hyangdo concerned was not composed of ruling class members in the capital but farmers in the provinces.104 In addition, while the major patron of the Rinshō-ji Illustration of the Visualization Sutra from 1323 (Figure 4) was the court attendant Seo Ji-man, the record of the painting mentions ten people from Naksansa Temple, four people from Yangju, eight people from Jungdo including the village chief by the name of Park Yeong-gyeon, and a women’s hyangdo from Yangju, which means it was supported by Buddhist communities in the provinces. Illustration of the Sutra on the Descent of Maitreya (Figure 9) from 1350 was commissioned by the monk Hyeoncheol and a group of 20 believers. While the term hyangdo is not found on the record, judging by the expressed wish to “listen to the sermons at the three dharma assemblies to be held under the dragon-flower tree…” it is highly likely that the patrons belonged to a hyangdo of the Maitreya cult.

IV CONCLUSION

The Korean term indicating the patronage of Buddhist art is balwon (發願), which means “to realize one’s prayers” or “to make a prayer to the Buddha or Bodhisattvas.” The term indicating the donor is siju (施主) meaning the donor of something to a temple or monk, related to the term dana in Sanskrit, which means “selfless giving.” Therefore patrons and donors of a Buddhist painting are those who make a prayer and carry out Buddhist works such as donating goods to a temple. Selfless giving is one of the six paramita or “transcendent actions” in Mahayana Buddhism.

According to the records on paintings, it can be seen that a wide variety of people were patrons and donors of Buddhist paintings including royalty and officials (civil and military officials, court attendants), monks, Buddhist communities, and individuals. This reflects the prevalence of Buddhists seeking good fortune in the late Goryeo period, when it was widely believed that carrying out Buddhist works such as the construction of temples and pagodas, the copying of sutras and the enshrining of Buddhist images were ways to accumulate virtue. Such activities therefore flourished and it was this nature of Buddhism that led to the active commission of Buddhist paintings. Among the classes of people who were patrons of Buddhist art, it is notable that a shift occurred from the aristocracy in the early Goryeo period to the politically influential political families and local Buddhist communities called hyangdo.

As only twenty-three paintings with records of their production remain, discussion of the patrons and donors of Goryeo Buddhist paintings is inevitably limited. But the fact that such art works were commissioned by a wide range of people, from royalty to ordinary individuals, attests to the extent to which Buddhism had taken root in the lives of the people from the upper classes down to the lower classes.

Footnote

1

Articles that deal with the subject of patrons of Buddhist art include Jeong Eun-wu, “Patrons of Late Goryeo Buddhist Art,” Misulsa yeongu 16 (2002); Kim Junghee, “ Study of Buddhist Paintings for the Goryeo Court and Buddhist Paintings Commissioned by Royalty,” Gangjwa misulsa 17 (2001).

2

Kumagai Nobuo, "Chōsen butsugachō ( Revision of Korean Buddhist Paintings)," Chōsen gakuhō (朝鮮學報) 44 (1967): 1-40.

3

Yoshida Hiroshi, "Kōrai butsuga no kinen sakuhin(Dated Goryeo Buddhist Paintings)," Kōrai butsuga (Tokyo: Asahi Shimbunsha, 1981), 24.

4

“Commentary,” Goryeo sidae ui bulhwa (Seoul: Sigongsa, 1996), 114-117.

5

This paper focuses only on the patrons and donors of regular Buddhist paintings, hence excluding sutra illustrations.

6

This record is found in Inō Tadataka’s Sokuryō nikki (測量日記, Journal of Measurements) which became known through Tomioka Masayuki, Director of the Karatsu Municipal Library in July 1979. See Hirata Yutaka, “Kagami jinja shozō yōryū kannonzō saikō,” Yamato bunka 72 (Feb. 1984): 1-18.

7

Kang Hui-jeong, “Reinvestigation of the Origin of Water-Moon Avalokiteshvara of Goryeo,” Misulsa yeongu 8 (1994): 3-32.

8

Goryeosa jeolyo, vol. 23, 1297 (the 23rd year of King Chungnyeol's reign), August.

9

Goryeosa, vol. 32, “Sega (Powerful Families),” no. 32, 1307 (the 33rd year of King Chungnyeol’s reign), March, sinmyo day; ibid., April, gapjin day; ibid., May, jeongchuk day.

10

Goryeosa, vol. 32, no. 32, 1307, May, jeongchuk day.

11

Goryeosa jeolyo, vol. 23, 1308 (the 33rd year of King Chungnyeol’s reign), October, gyemi day; ibid., giyu day.

12

Goryeosa, vol. 89, “Yeoljeon (Biographies),” no. 2, “Sukchangwonbi Lady Kim.”

13

Dongsa gangmok (東史綱目, Annotated Account of Korean History), vol. 13, 1325 (the 2nd year of the reign of King Chungsuk), September.

14

Goryeosa, vol. 32, “Sega,” no. 32, 1308 (the 34th of King Chungnyeol’s reign), May, byeongin day; ibid., gisa day.

15

Goryeosa, vol. 33, “Sega,” no. 33, 1310 (the 2nd year of King Chungseon's reign), May, eulsa day.

16

Moon Myung-dae argues that the painting may have originally been hung outdoors based on the fact that Sukchangwonbi Lady Kim visited Heungcheonsa Temple in 1311 around the time this painting was produced, suggesting the possibility that the painting was completed in 1310 and taken to Mincheonsa Temple in 1311 and enshrined there when Lady Kim held a ceremony there for her dead mother. Considering that the painting was later taken to Japan by Japanese invaders it is surmised that the painting was enshrined at a royal temple close to the sea, particularly one that was frequented by Lady Kim. Moon Myung-dae, “Origin of Korean Hanging Buddhist Paintings and the Water-Moon Avalokiteshvara at Kagami Jinja,” Gangjwa misulsa 33 (Dec. 2009): 35-56. The painting has also recently been discussed by Pak Youngsook in Christoper Dell. ed., What Make a Masterpiece? (London: Thames and Hudson, 2010), 106-109.

17

The current height of the painting is 419.5 cm, but according to Sokuryō nikki from 1812, it measured 1 jang (丈) and 8 cheok (尺), indicating an original height of over 5m.

18

Papers that mention Yeom Seung-ik include Yoshida Hiroshi, “Shigen nijūsan nen mei kōrai amida nyōraizō wo megutte,” Gekkan bunkazai 86 (Mar. 1979); Chung Woothak, “Nihon ginkōzō (Tokyo gokuritsu hakbutsukan kitaku) no amida nyōraizu (Painting of Amitabha Buddha Donated to Tokyo National Museum by the Bank of Japan),” Museum 453 (Dec. 1988); Ide Seinosuke, “Kōrai no amida gazō to fuhen gyōganhin (Goryeo Paintings of Amitabha and the Extraordinary Aspiration of the Practice of Samantabhadra),” Bijutsu kenkyū 362 (Mar. 1995); Kim Junghee, “Yeom Seung-ik, Patron of Goryeo Buddhist Painting,” Misulsa hakbo 20 (Aug. 2003).

19

Regarding the family lineage of Yeom Seung-ik, see Yi Saek, Mogeun mungo (牧隱文藁, Writings of Mogeun), vol. 15, “高麗國忠 誠守義同德論道輔理功臣壁上三韓三重大匡曲城府院君贈諡忠敬公廉公神道碑.” Cited in Dongmunseon (東文選, Selected Writings of the Eastern Kingdom), vol. 119. Though it is not known exactly when Yeom was born, but considering his son died early and his grandson was born in 1304 it can be conjectured that he was born between 1240 and 1250.

20

Bichikchi (必闍赤) is thought to be of Uigur origin and means “scribe” in the Mongol language.

21

Goryeosa, “Yeoljeon,” no. 36, “Yeom Seung-ik.”

22

Goryeosa, “Yeoljeon,” no. 36, “Yeom Seung-ik.”

23

Yi Saek, Mogeun mungo, vol. 15, “高麗國忠誠守義同德論道輔理功臣壁上三韓三重大匡曲城府院君贈諡忠敬公廉公神道碑,” Korean translations of Dongmunseon IX, 190.

24

Regarding records of Gwon Bok-su, see Kim Junghee, “Study of Gwon Bok-su, Donor of Amitabha Painting of 1306,” Gangjwa misulsa 22 (June 2004): 45-63.

25

Ide Seinosuke, “Kōrai butsuga no sekai—kyūtei shūhen ni okeru ganshu to sinkō,” Nihon no bijutsu 418 (Mar. 2001): 92-94.

26

For information on Gwon Dan, see Goryeosa, vol. 107, “Yeoljeon” no. 20, “Gwon Dan” and the “Gwon Dan myoji (Epitaph of Gwon Dan)” in Hanguk geumseok jeonmun, 1111.

27

Yi Je-hyeon, Ikje nango, vol. 7, “Epitaph,” “推誠翊祚同德輔理功臣三重大匡修文殿大提學領都僉議使司事永嘉府院君贈諡文正公權公墓誌銘.”

28

Goryeosa jeolyo, vol. 24, 1321 (the 8th year of King Chungsuk’s reign), July; ibid., November.

29

Goryeosa, vol. 107, “Yeoljeon,” no. 20, “Gwon Dan and Gwon Jun.” Following a grave robbers, a tomb in Seogok-ri, Jindong-myeon, Paju, Gyeonggi-do Province, was excavated and revealed murals inside. This tomb is thought to be that of Gwon Jun, who died in 1352. National Research Institute of Cultural Heritage, Excavation Report of a Goryeo Mural Tomb in Seogok-ri, Paju (National Research Institute of Cultural Heritage, 1993), 83.

30

Goryeosa, vol. 110, “Yeoljeon,” “Wang Hu (Royal Consorts).”

31

Yi Je-hyeon, Ikje nango, Appendix, 1314.

32

“Gwon Bu and his sons Gwon Jun, Gwon Go, Gwon Hu, and Gwon Gyeom, his son-in-law, Yi Jae-hyeon, and Wang Do and Wang Sun, adopted members of the royal family, were all bestowed the title of gun [lord], and his son Jongjeong was also named Lord of Gwangbok, although he had become a monk. Thus they were known as ‘the nine lords from one family.’” Goryeosa, “Yeoljeon," no. 20, “Gwon Dan and Gwon Bu.”

33

“Gwon Bu and his sons Gwon Jun, Gwon Go, Gwon Hu, and Gwon Gyeom, his son-in-law, Yi Jae-hyeon, and Wang Do and Wang Sun, adopted members of the royal family, were all bestowed the title of gun [lord], and his son Jongjeong was also named Lord of Gwangbok, although he had become a monk. Thus they were known as ‘the nine lords from one family.’” Goryeosa, “Yeoljeon," no. 20, “Gwon Dan and Gwon Bu.”

34

Yi Je-hyeon, Ikje nango, “推誠翊祚同德輔理功臣三重大匡修文殿大提學領都僉議使司事永嘉府院君贈諡文正公權公墓誌銘.”

35

Yun Yeong-ju, “Gwon Bu’s Political Role in Late Goryeo—In Relation to the Rise of the Andong Gwon Clan” (master’s thesis, Chonbuk University, 1990), 11-12.

36

See Table 1-18.

37

Kim Chang-su, “The Social Status of Naesi in the Goryeo Dynasty,” Dongguk sahak 11 (1969); idem, “The Study of Seongjungaema,” Dongguksahak 9&10 (1966).

38

Kim Jae-myeong, “Establishment of the Naesi System of Goryeo,” Jeongsin munhwa yeongu 103 (2006): 151-173; idem, “Jogwan-naesi of the Goryeo Dynasty,” Jeongsin munhwa yeongu 88 (2002): 61-87.

39

Kim Jae-myeong, “Royal Naesi During the Reign of King Uijong,” Sahak yeongu 95 (2009): 41-71.

40

The office managing naesi was first called Naesiseong, then in the reign of King Injong both the names Naesiseong and Naesiwon were used. The name Naesiwon became fixed in the reign of Uijong and was used to the end of the Goryeo Dynasty. Lee Jeong-hun, “Naesi in the Early Goryeo Dynasty and the Management of Affairs of State,” Hanguk sahak yeongu 139 (2007): 51.

41

Kim Jae-myeong, “The Names and Composition of Naesi in the Goryeo Dynasty,” Yeoksa gyoyuk 81 (2002): 104.

42

Goryeosa, vol. 76, no. 30, “Government Officials (I),” “Seongonsi.” At first the office was called Jangjakgam then changed to Seongonggam in 1298 and Seongongsi in 1308. The office was later integrated with various other offices and later established again as Seongongsi. The name changed again to Jangjakgam in 1356, Seongongsi in 1362, then back to Jangjakgam in 1369, and to Seongongsi in 1372.

43

Goryeosa, vol. 75, “Ji (Geography),” no. 29, “Jeonju.”

44

Yi Saek, Gajeong seonsaeng munjip (稼亭先生文集, Collected Writings of Gajeong), vol. 6, “崇恩福元寺高麗第一代師圓公碑.”

45

Chung Woothak, “Kōrai jidai no rakan gazō,” Yamato Bunka 92 (Sep. 1994): 35-49.

46

Goryeo sidae ui bulhwa (Seoul: Sigongsa, 1996) mentions the name Yi Hyeok-cheong (李奕聽), but Goryeo bulhwa daejeon (Seoul: National Museum of Korea, 2010) identifies the patron as Yi Yo-seom (李堯贍). This paper follows the latter name.

47

Goryeosa, vol. 77, “Ji,” no. 31, “Government Officials (II),” “五部太祖二年 立 [東南西北中五部] 文宗定 五部使一人四品以上 副使一人五品以上錄事各二人甲科權務.”

48

Byeon Tae-seop, “Civil and Military Officials of the Goryeo Dynasty,” Goryeo jeongchi jedosa yeongu (Seoul: Ilchokak, 1971), 314-316.

49

Park Yong-un, “Social Class of Civil and Military Officials of Goryeo—Study of Aristocratic Families of Goryeo (3),” Hanguksa yeongu 21&22 (1978): 63-64.

50

Lee Jin-han, “Status and Composition of Military Officials of Goryeo,” Gunsa 37 (1998): 33, 46.

51

Goryeosa, vol. 81, “Byeongji (Military Institutions) (I),” Byeongje (Military Systems), the 11th year of King Jeongjong’s reign, May.

52

The title doin was used to indicate a person who had left home to seek to the way of the Buddha, and in the Unified Silla and Groyeo it was used to indicate a Buddhist monk. Sin Jong-won, “Southern Dynasties Style Buddhism in the 6th century, Silla,” Silla chogi bulgyosa yeongu (History of Early Silla Buddhism) (Minjoksa), 190-195. In the Goryeo dynasty the titles doin and dosa were both used to indicate Buddhist monks.

53

Heo Heung-sik, “The State Monk Examination System of the Goryeo Dynasty and its Function,” Yeoksa gyoyuk 19 (1976): 103-138.

54

Goryeosa, vol. 35, “Sega,” no. 35, 1325 (the 12th year of King Chungsuk's reign).

55

Goryeosa, vol. 18, “Sega,” no.18, 1164 (the 18th year of King Uijong’s reign), intercalary November.

56

Goryeosa, vol. 24, “Sega,” no. 24, 1251 (the 38th year of King Gojong’s reign), June.

57

Goryeosa, vol. 105, “Yeoljeon,” no. 18, “Jo In-gyu and Jo Yeon-su.”

58

Yi Saek, “Record of the Stone Bell of Bojae Jonja [Naong] at Silleuksa Temple,” Dongmunseon, vol. 119.

59

Hwang In-gyu, “Jeongeopwon Temple and the Female Chief Monks of the Joseon Dynasty,” Hanguk bulgyohak 51 (2008): 103-129; Kim Yeong-mi, “Activities and Social Position of Buddhist Nuns in the Goryeo Dynasty,” Hanguk munhwa yeongu (Korean Culture Research) 1 (Autumn 2001): 80-81.

60

Kim Yeong-mi, ibid., 84-85.

61

Lee Sung-in, “Record of the Renovation of the Pagoda of Anyangsa in Geumju,” Dongmunseon, vol. 76; Sinjeung donggungnyeoji seungnam (新增東國輿地勝覽, Revised and Augmented Survey of the Geography of Korea), vol. 10, “Guemcheon-hyeon Bulwu Anyangsa.”

62

Sinjeung donggungnyeoji seungnam, vol. 42, “Hwanghae-do Munhwa-hyeon Bulwu.”

63

One side of a metal bell at Okcheonsa Temple is engraved with 186 characters in four lines, part of which reads “高麗二十三王還甲之年壬子,” indicating that it was made in 1252. The bell was originally used at Anyangsa Temple, Mt. Jirisan, and is thought to have been moved to Okcheonsa when Anyangsa was closed.

64

Sinjeung donggungnyeoji seungnam, vol. 10, “Gyeonggi Icheon-dohobu Bulwu.”

65

Sunam seonsaeng munjip, vol. 7, "Seo."

66

Sinjeung donggungnyeoji seungnam, vol. 13, “Gyeonggi Gyodong-hyeon Bulwu”; ibid., vol. 15, “Chungcheong-do Okcheon-gun Bulwu”; ibid., vol. 30, “Gyeongsang-do Jinju Bulwu”; ibid., vol. 49, “Hamgyeong-do”; ibid., vol. 52, “Pyeongan-do Junghwa-gun Bulwu.”

67

Regarding the seven-storey brick pagoda at Anyangsa Temple, see Park Gyeong-sik, “Seven-storey Brick Pagoda and Memorial Stele Base at Anyangsa Temple,” Munhwa sahak 11,12&13 (1999); Kim Ji-seok, “Study of the Seven-storey Brick Pagoda at Anyangsa Temple,” Munhwa sahak 27 (2007).

68

Jang Chung-sik, Hanguk sagyeong yeongu (Dongguk University Press, 2007), 159-160.

69

Goryeo sidae ui bulhwa, ibid., 81 (commentary of pl. 55).

70

Goryeosa jeolyo, vol. 19, 1275 (the 1st year of King Chungnyeol’s reign).

71

Goryeosa, vol. 132, “Yeoljeon,” no. 45, “Sindon.”

72

Sinjeung donggungnyeoji seungnam, vol. 12, “Jangdan-dohobu Bulwu.”

73

The word ending “-jeop (接)” indicates a religious community and is believed to refer to the Buddhist communities called hyangdo.

74

Goryeosa, vol. 56, “Jiri,” no. 1, “Namgyeong Gyesugwan Yangju.” Gyesugwan refers to a higher provincial administrative unit that existed when the central government was not strong.

75

Chae Ung-seok, “Nature of and Changes in Hyangdo in the Goryeo Dynasty,” Guksagwan nonchong 2 (1989): 315-316.

76

The original inscription reads “壽壺堂徐子冬 子滿 維申.” There is some debate over the second-last character, which is often read as “jong (縱).” But judging it to be closer to “yu (維),” it has been deciphered as such in this case. Ariga Yoshitaka, “Amida sanzonzō (Uesugi jinjazō),” Bukkyō geijutsu 91 (1974): 42-45.

77

Lee Dong-ju, “Goryeo Buddhist Painting,” Hanguk hoehwa saron (Seoul: Youlhwadang, 1987), 167.

78

Moon Myung-dae ed., Goryeo bulhwa (Seoul: Joongang Ilbosa, 1981), 239.

79

Chung Woothak, “Yamagata uesugi jinja no amida sanzonzu,” Bukkyō geijutsu 173 (1987): 74.

80

Ahn Jae-hong, “Study of the Amitabha Triad at Uesugi Jinja,” Gangjwa misulsa 30 (2008): 14.

81

Lee Su-geon, Hanguk ui seongssi wa jokbo (Seoul National University Press, 2008), 271-273.

82

Ahn Jae-hong, ibid., 11-22; Chung Woothak, ibid., 80. Chung also found it interesting that the donor of the painting at Uesugi Jinja was a man by the name of Seo.

83

Kim Yong-seon, Goryeo myojimyeong jipseong (Hallym University, 1993).

84

Goryeosa, vol. 123, “Yeoljeon,” no. 36, “Yeongui.”

85

Goryeosa, vol. 122, “Yeoljeon,” no. 35, “Baek Seon-yeon.”

86

Goryeosa, vol. 72, “Ji,” no. 26, “Uiwi.”

87

Heo Heung-sik, “New Trends in Buddhism,” Goryeo bulgyosa yeongu (Seoul: Ilchokak, 1986), 441-442, 456.

88

Regarding Cheon Chaek and books authored by him, see Heo Heung-sik, ibid., 832-906.

89

Seo Yun-gil, “Silla Esoteric Buddhism,” Studies on the History of Korean Esoteric Buddhism (Bulgwang chulpanbu, 1994), 71-72.

90

Kim Du-jong, Hanguk uihaksa (Tamgudang, 1966), 74-77.

91

Min Hyeon-gu, “Rise of Powerful Families in the Late Goryeo Dynasty,” Honam munhwa yeongu 6 (1974): 35.

92

Goryeosa, vol. 33, “Sega,” the 1st year of King Chungseon's reign, November.

93

Min Hyeon-gu, ibid., 38-39.

94

“Heogong myoji (Tomb of Heo Gong),” Hanguk geumseok jeonmun (Asea munhwasa, 1984), 1066, “次子朝縣大夫將軍監察侍□評 娶贊成事上將軍廉公承益之女.”

95

Seo Geo-jeong, “Andong gwonssi gabo seo (Writings of the Andong Gwon Clan),” Seonghwa andong gwonssi sebo (成化安東權氏世譜, Government Posts Listed in the Andong Gwon Clan Genealogy); Andong gwonssi sebo (安東權氏世譜, The Andong Gwon Clan Genealogy).

96

Goryeosa, vol. 107, “Yeoljeon,” no. 20, “Gwon Dan and Gwon Bu.”

97

Regarding the Andong Gwon clan, see Min Hyeon-gu,“ Rise of the Andong Gwon Clan in Late Goryeo—Based on Their Political Position During the Period of Yuan Control,” Dosan hakbo 5 (1996); Lee Su-geon, “Rise and Division of Provincial Clans in the Late Goryeo and Early Joseon Period—Andong Gwon Clan,” Hanguk sahak nonchong (Seoul: Ilchokak, 1994).

98

Kim Pil-dong, “Origin of hyangdo and gye of the Three Kingdoms and Goryeo Period,” Hanguk jeontong sahoe ui gujo wa byeondong (Moonhak gwa jiseongsa, 1986), 65-104.

99

Lee Tae-jin, “Analysis of the Record of the Stone Pagoda at Gyesimsa Temple in Yecheon—Activities of Hyangdo of the Goryeo Period,” Yeoksa hakbo 53&54 (1972): 39-54.

100

Goryeosa, vol. 85, “Hyeongbeop (Criminal Law) (2),” "Geumryeong (Prohibitions)," 1101 (the 6th year of King Sukjong’s reign), June.

101

“Epitaph of Sin Bo-sun,” Goryeo myojimyeong jipseong (Collection of Goryeo Dynasty Epitaphs), 262.

102

Goryeosa, vol. 36, 1334 (the 3rd year of King Chunghye’s reign), June, gapin day.

103

Wi Eun-suk, “Development of Agricultural Technology in the 12th Century,” Busan sahak 12 (1988): 83-108.

104

Chae Ung-seok, 1989, 119-120.

Selected Bibliography

Ahn Jae-hong. “Study of the Amitabha Triad at Uesugi Jinja (上杉神社藏 高麗 阿彌陀三尊圖의 연구).” Gangjwa misulsa (강좌미술사) 30 (2008).

Ariga Yoshitaka. “Amida sanzonzō (Uesugi jinjazō) [阿彌陀三尊像 (上杉神社蔵)].” Bukkyō geijutsu (佛敎藝術) 91 (1974).

Byeon Tae-seop. “Civil and Military Officials of the Goryeo Dynasty (高麗朝의 文班과 武官).” Goryeo jeongchi jedosa yeongu (고려정치제도사연구, Studies on the Political Systems of Goryeo). Seoul: Ilchokak, 1971.

Chae Ung-seok. “Nature of and Changes in Hyangdo in the Goryeo Dynasty (高麗時代 香徒의 社會的 性格과 變化).” Guksagwan nonchong (국사관논총, Treatises on Korean History) 2 (1989).

Chung Woothak. “Kōrai jidai no rakan gazō (高麗時代の羅漢画像).” Yamato Bunka (大和文華) 92 (Sep. 1994): 35-49.

Chung Woothak. “Yamagata uesugi jinja no amida sanzonzu (山形上杉神社の阿彌陀三尊図, Amitabha Triad at Uesugi Jinja).” Bukkyō geijutsu 173 (1987).

Chung Woothak. “Nihon ginkōzō (Tokyo gokuritsu hakubutsukan kitaku) no amida nyōraizu [日本銀行蔵 (東京国立博物館寄託)の阿彌陀如來図, Painting of Amitabha Buddha Donated to Tokyo National Museum by the Bank of Japan].” Museum 453 (Dec. 1988).

Dongmunseon (東文選, Selected Writings of the Eastern Kingdom).

Goryeo bulhwa (고려불화) in Hanguk ui mi (한국의 미, Beauty of Korea) series, vol. 7. Seoul: Joongang Ilbosa, 1981.

Goryeo bulhwa daejeon (고려불화대전, Masterpieces of Goryeo Buddhist Painting), Seoul: National Museum of Korea, 2010.

Goryeosa (高麗史, History of Goryeo).

Goryeosa jeolyo (高麗史節要, Essential History of Goryeo).

Heo Heung-sik. “The State Monk Examination System of the Goryeo Dynasty and its Function (高麗時代의 僧科制度와 그 機能).” Yeoksa gyoyuk (역사교육) 19 (1976): 103-138.

Heo Heung-sik. “New Trends in Buddhism (佛敎界의 새로운 傾向).” Goryeo bulgyosa yeongu (고려불교사연구). Seoul: Ilchokak, 1986.

Hirata Yutaka. “Kagami jinja shozō yōryū kannonzō saikō (鏡神社所蔵楊柳観音画像再考).” Yamato bunka 72 (Feb. 1984): 1-18.

Hwang In-gyu. “Jeongeopwon Temple and the Female Chief Monks of the Joseon Dynasty (조선시대 정업원과 비구니주지).” Hanguk bulgyohak (한국불교학, Journal of the Korean Association for Buddhist Studies) 51 (2008).

Ide Seinosuke. “Kōrai no amida gazō to fuhen gyōganhin (高麗の阿彌陀画像と普賢行願品, Goryeo Paintings of Amitabha and the Extraordinary Aspiration of the Practice of Samantabhadra).” Bijutsu kenkyū (美術硏究) 362 (Mar. 1995).

Ide Seinosuke. “Kōrai butsuga no sekai—kyūtei shūhen ni okeru ganshu to sinkō (高麗仏画の世界 -宮廷周辺における願主と信仰, In and Around the Goryeo Royal Family: Patronage and Production of Buddhist Images).” Nihon no bijutsu (日本の美術) 418 (Mar. 2001): 88-98.

Jang Chung-sik. Hanguk sagyeong yeongu (한국사경연구, Study of Korean Hand-copied Sutras). Dongguk University Press, 2007.

Kang Hui-jeong. “Reinvestigation of the Origin of Water-Moon Avalokiteshvara of Goryeo (高麗 水月觀音圖의 淵源에 대한 再檢討).” Misulsa yeongu (미술사연구) 8 (1994): 3-32.

Kikutake Junichi and Chung Woothak. “Commentary (해설편).” Goryeo sidae ui bulhwa (고려시대의 불화, The Buddhist Paintings of Goryeo Dynasty). Seoul: Sigongsa, 1996, 114-117.

Kim Chang-su. “The Study of Seongjungaema (成衆愛馬考).” Dongguk sahak (동국사학) 9&10 (1966).

Kim Chang-su. “The Social Status of Naesi in the Goryeo Dynasty (麗代 內侍의 身分).” Dongguk sahak 11 (1969).

Kim Du-jong. Hanguk uihaksa (韓國醫學史, History of Korean Medicine). Tamgudang, 1966.

Kim Jae-myeong. “Jogwan-naesi of the Goryeo Dynasty (高麗時代 朝官內侍).” Jeongsin munhwa yeongu (정신문화연구) 88 (2002): 61-87.

Kim Jae-myeong. “The Names and Composition of Naesi in the Goryeo Dynasty (고려시대의 내시 -그 별칭과 구성을 중심으로).” Yeoksa gyoyuk 81 (2002).

Kim Jae-myeong. “Establishment of the Naesi System of Goryeo (高麗 內侍制의 成立).” Jeongsin munhwa yeongu 103 (2006): 151-173.

Kim Jae-myeong. “Royal Naesi During the Reign of King Uijong (高麗 毅宗代의 王權과 內侍).” Sahak yeongu (사학연구) 95 (2009): 41-71.

Kim Junghee. “Study of Buddhist Paintings for the Goryeo Court and Buddhist Paintings Commissioned by Royalty (高麗王室의 佛畫製作과 王室發願佛畫의 硏究),” Gangjwa misulsa 17 (2001).

Kim Junghee. “Yeom Seung-ik, Patron of Goryeo Buddhist Painting (高麗佛畫의 發願者 廉承益考).” Misulsa hakbo (미술사학보) 20 (Aug. 2003).

Kim Junghee. “Study of Gwon Bok-su, Donor of Amitabha Painting of 1306 (1306년 阿彌陀如來圖의 施主 ‘權福壽’考).” Gangjwa misulsa 22 (June 2004): 45-63.

Kim Pil-dong. “Origin of Hyangdo and Gye of the Three Kingdoms and Goryeo Period (삼국ㆍ고려시대의 香徒와 契의 기원).” Hanguk jeontong sahoe ui gujo wa byeondong (한국전통사회의 구조와 변동). Moonhak gwa jiseongsa, 1986.

Kim Yeong-mi. “Activities and Social Position of Buddhist Nuns in the Goryeo Dynasty (高麗時代 比丘尼들의 활동과 사회적 지위).” Hanguk munhwa yeongu (한국문화연구, Korean Culture Research) 1 (Autumn 2001): 80-81.

Kim Yong-seon. Goryeo myojimyeong jipseong (高麗墓誌銘集成, Collection of Goryeo Dynasty Epitaphs). Hallym University, 1993.

Lee Dong-ju. “Goryeo Buddhist Painting (고려불화).” Hanguk hoehwasaron (한국회화사론). Seoul: Youlhwadang, 1987.

Lee Jeong-hun. “Naesi in the Early Goryeo Dynasty and the Management of Affairs of State (고려 전기 內侍와 국정운영).” Hanguk sa yeongu (한국사연구) 139 (2007).

Lee Jin-han. “Status and Composition of Military Officials of Goryeo (高麗時代 武班職의 地位와 構成).” Gunsa (군사) 37 (1998).

Lee Su-geon. “Rise and Division of Provincial Clans in the Late Goryeo and Early Joseon Period—Andong Gwon Clan (麗末鮮初 土姓吏族의 성장과 분화 -安東權氏를 중심으로).” Hanguk sahak nonchong (한국사학논총). Seoul: Ilchokak, 1994.

Lee Su-geon. Hanguk seongssi wa jokbo (한국의 성씨와 족보, Genealogy of Korean Names). Seoul National University Press, 2008.

Min Hyeon-gu. “Rise of Powerful Families in the Late Goryeo Dynasty (高麗後期의 權門勢族의 成立).” Honam munhwa yeongu (호남문화연구) 6 (1974).

Min Hyeon-gu. “Rise of the Andong Gwon Clan in Late Goryeo—Based on Their Political Position During the Period of Yuan Control (高麗後期 安東權氏 家門의 展開 -元 干涉記의 政治的 位相을 中心으로).” Dosan hakbo (도산학보) 5 (1996).

Moon Myung-dae. “Origin of Korean Hanging Buddhist Paintings and the Water-Moon Avalokiteshvara at Kagami Jinja (한국 掛佛畫의 기원문제와 鏡神社藏 金祐文筆 水月觀音圖).” Gangjwa misulsa 33 (Dec. 2009): 35-56.

Park Yong-un. “Social Class of Civil and Military Officials of Goryeo—Study of Aristocratic Families of Goryeo (3) [高麗前期 文班과 武官의 身分問題 -高麗貴族家門硏究 (3)].” Hanguksa yeongu 21&22 (1978).

Seo Yun-gil. “Silla Esoteric Buddhism (新羅의 密敎思想).” Studies on the History of Korean Esoteric Buddhism (한국밀교사상사연구). Bulgwang chulpanbu, 1994.

Sinjeung donggungnyeoji seungnam (新增東國輿地勝覽, Revised and Augmented Survey of the Geography of Korea).

Wi Eun-suk. “Development of Agricultural Technology in the 12th Century (12세기 농업기술의 발전).” Budae sahak (부대사학) 12 (1988).

Yi Je-hyeon. Ikjae nango (益齋亂藁, Collected Works of Ikjae).

Yi Saek. Gajeong seonsaeng munjip (稼亭先生文集, Collected Writings of Gajeong).

Yi Saek. Mogeun mungo (牧隱文槀, Collected Writings of Mogeun)

Yi Tae-jin. “Analysis of the Record of the Stone Pagoda at Gaesimsa Temple in Yecheon—Activities of Hyangdo of the Goryeo Period (醴泉 開心寺石塔記의 分析 -고려시대 香徒의 一例).” Yeoksa hakbo (역사학보) 53&54 (1972).

Yoshida Hiroshi. “Shigen nijūsan nen mei kōrai amida nyōrai zō wo megutte (至元二十三年銘高麗阿彌陀如来像をめぐって, Regarding the Amitabha Buddha of the 23rd Year of Zhiyuan).” Gekkan bunkazai (月刊文化財) 86 (Mar. 1979).

Yoshida Hiroshi. “Kōrai butsuga no kinen sakuhin (高麗仏画の紀年作品, Dated Goryeo Buddhist Paintings).” Kōrai butsuga (高麗仏画). Tokyo: Asahi Shimbunsha, 1981.

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